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NAVAJO HISTORICAL seRI£S‘2 


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UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERlOM 


BUREAll OF INDIAN 




ApAIR^v,.;;, 














UNITED STATES 

DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR 
Walter J. Hickel, Secretary 


BUREAU OF INDIAN AFFAIRS 
Louis R. Bruce, Commissioner 


OFFICE OF EDUCATION PROGRAMS 
William S. King, Acting Director 


Order from 
Publications Service 
Haskell Institute 
Lawrence, Kansas 66044 



IHTBIIOR. HASKELL PRESS, tI-6S-2IO-III 


IRTERIOR. HASKELL PRESS, 7-70>l07-2a 


The Trouble At Round Rock 

by 

Left-Handed Mexican Clansman 

with 

Related Anecdotes 

by 

Howard Gorman 

and 

The Nephew of Former Big Man 


Translated into English 
and edited by 


Robert W. Young-William Morgan 

1952 


UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR 

BUREAU OF INDIAN AFFAIRS—DIVISION OF EDUCATION 


I 





BLACK HORSE — a copy drown from on old Signal Corps photogroph by 
Howard Gormon. Black Horse was born in the Red Rock country of the 
Lukochukai Mountains, about 1830. A Signol Corps picture of him, taken in 
1871, depicts him os a middle-aged mon. He wos a sub-chief under Captain 
Soni in the 1880's, and wos involved in the murder of Swift and other 
prospectors in the Corrizo Mountoins. It was he who attacked Agent Dona 
Shipley at Round Rock Store in 1892. Black Horse died between 1910 and 
1920. 












^ 9 / 2 - /0^nr7i 


CONTENTS 


Foreword . ii 

Introduction . 1 

The Trouble at Round Rock 

by Left-Handed Mexican Clansman . 23 

by Howard Gorman . 32 

by The Nephew of Former Big Man. 34 

Photographs - Courtesy of the U.S. Signal Corps . 36 


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Foreiuord 


The present booklet is presented os Number 
2 of the Navajo Historical Series. An interest¬ 
ing account of a fight between Agent Shipley 
and a man known as Black Horse has been 
utilized as a nucleus around which to build a 
fairly detailed historical account of social and 
economic conditions in the Navajo Country a 
little more than a half century ago. 

Although the present historical sketch is 
largely concerned with the period 1892-94— 
the time setting for the fight mentioned above 
—it was felt that a brief resume of Navajo 
history during the preceding half century 
would be desirable as a background against 
which to understand the conditions which 


existed during the early 1890's. 

Richard Van Valkenburg's “Short History 
of The Navajo People" and one appendix to 
Oscar H. Lipps' “The Navajos" have provided 
much of the material for the period up to 1892 
and old agency records from the former agency 
at Fort Defiance have provided a detailed pic¬ 
ture of the years 1892-94. 

An effort has been made to use simple 
everyday English. However, Agent Shipley's 
letters have been quoted verbatim in the some¬ 
times quaint and highly formal rhetoric of the 
times. 

ROBERT W. YOUNG 


II 




Introduction 


Back in 1868, at Fort Sumner, New Mexico, 
the Navajos made a treaty of peace with the 
United States Government. Article 6 of this 
treaty says: "In order to insure the civilization 
of the Indians entering into this treaty, the 
necessity of education is admitted, especially 
of such of them as may be settled on said 
agricultural part of the Reservation, and there¬ 
fore they pledge themselves to compel their 
children, male and female, between the ages 
of six and sixteen years, to attend school, and 
it is thereby made the duty of the agent for 
said Indians to see that this stipulation is strict¬ 
ly complied with, and the United States agrees 
that for every thirty children between said 
ages who can be induced or compelled to at¬ 
tend school, a house shall be provided, and a 
teacher competent to teach the elements of 
an English education shall be furnished, who 
will reside among the said Indians and faith¬ 
fully discharge his or her duties as a teacher." 

However, there were so many problems both 
for the United States Government and for the 
Navajo people during the early years after the 
return of the latter from Fort Sumner that no 
school was built until 1881. Since no school 
was provided, it was not possible to carry out 
the provisions of Article 6 immediately. 

Back at the time when the Navajo returned 
from Fort Sumner they were not interested in 
the white man's education. They were afraid 
to let their children be taken away to school 
for fear that they might never come back. At 
this time the Navajos simply wanted to take 
up their life again as they had left it when 
they were driven away to Fort Sumner. 

In 1887 a law was passed to compel all In¬ 
dian children to go to school. A school had 
been opened at Fort Defiance in 1881, but it 
had been very hard to get pupils for it. In 


1887, when it became the law that all Indian 
children had to go to school, it became one of 
the duties of the Navajo Agent to enforce this 
law. 

In 1892 a man by the name of Dana L. 
Shipley became the Agent for the Navajo 
Tribe, with his headquarters at Fort Defiance, 
Arizona. Almost as soon as he became the 
Agent he began to have trouble with the 
Navajos because he tried to force them to put 
their children in school. He would take police¬ 
men to get the children, and some of the 
people did not like this. 

One day in 1893 Mr. Shipley took some 
policemen and went out on the reservation to 
get some children for the school at Fort De¬ 
fiance. When the party arrived at Tsalee 
(Tsehil[) it split into three groups. One group 
went up into the Carrizo Mountains, one went 
to Chinie, and Mr. Shipley with his group went 
to Round Rock. 

At that time there was a powerful Navajo 
leader by the name of Black Horse (Biljj' -ti- 
zhinii), who was very much against education, 
and who was very unfriendly with the white 
people. Black Horse heard that some of the 
people were to gather their children at Round 
Rock to be taken away to school, so he went 
there with some of his band. Black Horse 
spoke against education and told the people 
not to let the Agent take their children away. 
The Agent, Mr. Shipley, insisted on taking the 
children, so Black Horse attacked him. 

In this book we are going to tell the story of 
the fight at Round Rock between Black Horse 
and Shipley. We are lucky that there are still 
some Navajos living who remember the de¬ 
tails of the trouble at Round Rock. In fact, 
one old man from Lukachukai called Left- 
handed Mexican Clansman (Naakai Dine'e 


1 


Ntl'aaigii) was among the people gathered 
there at Round Rock on that eventful day so 
many years ago. He was a youth then, and his 
memory of what took place is very clear as we 
shall see. Other Navajos heard all about the 
affair between Agent Shipley and Black Horse, 
and we have included their stories too in this 
book. 

Several years ago, when Window Rock was 
built, the old agency records were moved from 
Fort Defiance where they had been stored in a 
basement. Some of them had become wet at 
some time during the many years that they 
lay-in the store room there, but most of them 
can still be read. Among these records are the 
reports that the different Navajo Agents 
made to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs 
in Washington. In one of the books marked 
1893 is Agent Shipley's report of his trouble at 
Round Rock. So we have both sides of this 
story—the Navajo side, and the white man's 
side. This makes it possible for us to give a 
very complete account. 

But to fully understand the reasons for 
which Agent Shipley had trouble with Black 
Horse, and to understand why the people did 
not want education for their children, we must 
know something about how the people were 
living in those days. We must know about the 
Navajo Reservation in the 1890's and in the 
period before. We must also know something 
of the attitude of the white people toward 
Indians at that time. Otherwise, it would be 
like describing our recent war with the Japa¬ 
nese by merely giving the details of the battle 
of Tarawa. 

We can get this background material from 
two main sources. One is from a book which 
was mimeographed at the Navajo Agency in 
1938. It is now out of print and very hard to 
find and is called "A Short History of The 
Navajo People" by Richard Van Valkenburg. 
We will use it, along with documentary 
material from the early era of American in¬ 
fluence, to give an account of the Nava¬ 
jo people from 1868 to 1893. For the period 
during which Agent Shipley had his trouble 
with Black Horse, we will use various letters 


which he and the man who followed him as 
Navajo Agent, 1st Lieut. E. H. Plummer, 
wrote. 

Many old people, Navajo and white alike, 
look back to the days of their youth as "the 
good old days." They like to think that in 
former times there were no troubl.es and every¬ 
one was happy in contrast with present times 
when they feel that there is nothing but sorrow 
and difficulty. When you have read these ac¬ 
counts, some of them made by men who were 
living and working here among the Navajos a 
number of years ago, we will let you judge for 
yourself whether or not there were not prob¬ 
lems in those days just as great as the Navajo 
people face now. They were "good old days" 
for some perhaps, but for others they were 
times of trial and hardship. 

The Navajos From the 1850's to the 1890's 

The States of New Mexico and Arizona 
were once part of Mexico. In 1846 James K. 
Polk, then President of the United States, de¬ 
clared war on Mexico, and three months later 
General Stephen W. Kearney entered Santa 
Fe. He told the people that from that time on 
they, as well as the Indians in what are now 
New Mexico and Arizona, would be under the 
government of the United States. 

Before the United States took over this ter¬ 
ritory from Mexico there had been almost con¬ 
stant warfare between the Navajos and the 
Mexicans. We can get some idea of the cause 
and nature of these wars by reading some of 
the writings of men who lived back at that 
time. We will see that neither side was entire¬ 
ly to blame. 

In Europe the white people had become 
used to the idea that every nation had a king, 
or some other kind of powerful leader or 
leaders, who could speak for all the people. If 
one nation wanted to make peace with an¬ 
other one the leaders of the two would get to¬ 
gether. Whatever they decided, their people 
would have to do. When the white people 
came across the sea to America they thought 
that all of the different Indian tribes would 
have leaders like theirs. In some cases this 
was true, but in most cases it was not. The 


2 


Mexicans, and later the Americans, would 
make a treaty with a Navajo leader or a group 
of leaders and expect their word to be binding 
on all the Navajo people. The result was that 
treaties were broken as fast as they were 
made. 

In former times the Navajos used to make 
raids on other people to take their livestock, 
their women and children. And the Mexicans 
used to make war against the Navajos for 
about the same reasons. 

Writing in 1865, General James H. Carle- 
ton said, "With the exception of one or two 
intervals of a few years each, there has been a 
state of hostility between the people of New 
Mexico and the Navajo Indians. Even in these 
intervals occasional forays were made into the 
settlements to capture sheep and cattle. The 
Mexicans would kill some of the Indians and 
capture some of the women and children and 
make slaves of them. But in times when open 
hostilities existed these efforts were increased 
on each side to capture stock, women, and 
children, so that the country was kept m o 
continual state of commotion. This wos the 
state of things when we acquired the territory 
from Mexico."^ 

Chief Justice Kirby Benedict wrote in 
1865, "The Navajos were in the habit of 
making forays upon the ranches and settle¬ 
ments, stealing, robbing and killing, and car¬ 
rying away captives; the finding of herds and 
driving off sheep and other animals was car¬ 
ried on to a very ruinous extent; the killing of 
persons did not seem so much the object of 
their warfare as an incidental means of suc¬ 
ceeding in other depredations. Sometimes, 
however, barbarous vengeance was exhibited 
and a thirst for blood. They carried away 
captives, but I cannot now give any accurote 
idea of number." 

Writing about the same time (1865), Dr 
Louis Kennon said, "I think the Navajos 
have been the most abused people on the 
continent, and that in all hostilities the Mexi¬ 
cans have always taken the initiative with but 


1 THE NAVAJOS, by Oscar H. Lipps, 1909 (Appendix). 


one exception that I know of. When I first 
came here the Navajos were at peace and 
had been for a long time. There was a pressure 
brought to bear—to make war on the Navaio 
General Garland was commander of the De¬ 
partment at that time, and if you asked the 
Mexicans any reason for making war, they 
would give no other reason but that the Novo- 
jos had a great many sheep and horses and o 
great many children—." 

Speaking of the Navajos taken as slaves by 
the Mexicans, Chief Justice Kirby Benedict 
went on to say, "There are in the Territory o 
large number of Indians, principally females 
(women and children), who have been taken by 
force or stealth or purchase, who hove been 
among the various wild tribes of New Mexico 
or those adjoining. Of these a large proportion 
are Navajos. It is notorious that natives of this 
country have sometimes made captives of the 
Navajo women and children when opportuni¬ 
ties presented themselves; the custom has 
long existed here of buying persons, especially 
women and children; the tribes themselves 
have carried on this kind of traffic. Destitute 
orphans are sometimes sold by their remote 
relations; poor parents also make traffic of 
their children. The Indian persons obtained in 
any of the modes mentioned are treated by 
those who claim to own them as their servants 
and slaves. They are bought and sold by and 
between the inhabitants at a price as much as 
is a horse or an ox.—The prices have lately 
ranged very high. A likely girl not more than 
eight years old, healthy and intelligent, would 
be held at a value of four hundred dollars or 
more. When they grow to womanhood they 
sometimes become mothers from the natives 
of the land, with or without marriage. Their 
children, however, by the custom of the coun¬ 
try, ore not regarded as property which may 
be bought or sold as have been their mothers. 
They grow up and are treated as having the 
rights of citizens. They marry and blend with 
the general populations."^ 

Speaking of slavery, Dr. Louis Kennon wrote 
"I think the number of captive Navajo Indians 
held as slaves to be underestimated I think 


3 



there ore from five to six thousorid. I know of 
no fomily which con roise one hundred ond 
fifty dollors but whot purchoses a Navajo 
stove, and many families own four or five, the 
trade in them being os regular as the trade in 
pigs or sheep. Previous to the war their price 
was from seventy-five to one hundred dollars, 
but now they are worth about four hundred 
dollars. But the other day some Mexican 
Indians from Chihuahua were for sale in Santa 
Fe. I have been conversant with the institution 
of slavery in Georgia, but the system is worse 
here, there being no obligation to care for the 
slave when he becomes old or worthless."^ 

Back at the time the Americans took over 
this territory from Mexico it was a very wild 
region. There were neither railroads, roads, nor 
towns in the Navajo country. There were o 
few forts, with soldiers to keep the peace. 
There was no Indian Agent, or at least the 
Indian Agents who were sent saw very little 
of the Navajos. They stayed in Santa Fe, often 
because they were afraid of the Indians. When 
they traveled at all they did so with soldiers. 
Also, the men who were sent as Agents got 
their jobs, not because they knew anything 
about Indians, but as favors from politicians. 
One of these men, by the name of Major 
Griner, wrote, “The great difficulty in our Indi¬ 
an policy is in the selection of Indian agents, 
who are generally appointed for political serv¬ 
ices. Mr. Wingfield comes here as an agent be¬ 
cause he was the friend of Mr. Dawson of 
Georgia; Mr. Wolly, an old man of seventy 
years of age, because he was the friend of Mr. 
Clay; Mr. Weightman, because he wished to 
be returned as delegate; and myself because 
I could sing a good political song. Neither of 
us was by habit or education better fitted to 
be Indian agent than to follow any other busi¬ 
ness. The general policy of selecting men as 
agents for political service, rather than fitness 
for the position, and frequently changing 
them, is a great cause of all our Indian dif¬ 
ficulties, in my opinion. I was changed just as 


1 THE NAVAJOS, by Oscar H. Lipps, 1909 (Appendix). 

2 Ibid. 


I was about to be of service, and had become 
acquainted with the Indians, and acquired 
their confidence, and could get them to do as 
I desired. 

From 1851 until 1859 there was no real 
warfare between the Navajos and the sur¬ 
rounding people. There were raids on the 
settlements from time to time, but these were 
not serious. It was in 1859, a little more than 
ten years after the Americans came, that 
war broke out, and in 1860 the Navajos at¬ 
tacked Fort Defiance. 

Colonel James Collins, writing in 1861, tells 
about the beginning of this war. He says, 
“About the commencement of June (1858) 
a difficulty arose between the Indians and the 
troops at Fort Defiance. That difficulty was 
occasioned by the Indians allowing their ani¬ 
mals to run on lands which had been set apart 
by an arrangement with them as meadow 
lands for cutting hay for the post. The Indians 
were notified to keep their animals off. Finally 
after they had been on the ground several 
times, a company of mounted men, under 
Captain McLane of the rifles, was sent out, 
who ordered about seventy of the animals shot 
within the limits of the meadow. The result 
was, a very short time after this, a black boy, 
servant of Major Brooks, was killed by the In¬ 
dians. The killing of the boy led to the war, 
which has continued up to this time. 

“After the killing of the boy a demand was 
made by Major Brooks on the principal men 
of the tribe for the delivery of the murderer, 
and were finally told that, unless he was given 
up, in thirty days war would be made on the 
tribe.—The result was an expedition against 
the Indians under General Miles—.“^ 

An attempt was made to make the Navajos 
turn the killer over to the soldiers, but they 
refused. They offered to pay any amount the 
soldiers asked for the boy who had been killed, 
but they would not give up the Navajo who 
killed him. The soldiers insisted that it be 
settled in their way, so war resulted. 


3 Ibid. 

4 Ibid. 


4 




The soldiers moved against the Navajos in 
every direction, but the Indians were not hurt 
much. Colonel Collins goes on to say, "Colonel 
Bonneville and myself concluded to go out 
and see the Indians—about the 25th of De¬ 
cember (1858), at which time we concluded a 
treaty of peace with the Indians. —The sub¬ 
stance of the treaty was that all stock taken 
during hostilities should, as far as practicable, 
be given up, and Colonel Bonneville agreed to 
enforce the condition on his part.^ The treaty 
was never carried into effect, and in the sum¬ 
mer of 1859 another expedition was sent 
against the Indians under Major Simonson. 
He went out with instructions to enforce the 
condition of the treaty to surrender the cap¬ 
tured stock. He failed to do so. Hostilities con¬ 
tinued. The Indians continued their depreda¬ 
tions, committing robberies and murders to a 
considerable extent, until 1860 when General 
Canby took command and made an expedition 
against them. During this time the Mexicans 
turned loose on them and captured a good 
many of their women and children. General 
Canby made an expedition in 1860. He was 
not very successful. He went into their coun¬ 
try; they asked for peace, and he made a treaty 
with them and withdrew the troops.— 

On April 30, 1860, a force of Navajos at¬ 
tacked Fort Defiance. They fell upon the fort 
just after the moon set, about 4:00 in the 
morning, attacking from three sides. In the 
darkness they crept close to the fort and be- 


1 Richard Van Volkenburg, in A SHORT HISTORY OF THE 
NAVAJO PEOPLE (mimeo., 1938, Navajo Service, Window Rock, 
Arizona) says of this treaty of 1858, "The following terms of 
peace were concluded; The Navajos were to restore or pay for 
any property taken in the fall of 1858. The entire tribe would 
in the future be responsible for depredations committed by any 
of its members. Puebloan and New Mexican captives were to be 
surrendered. Herrero was appointed head chief and would be 
dealt with by the Americans as the leader of the Navajos." 

"The important part of this unratified treaty of 1858 was in 
that it was the first agreement that outlined the eastern 
boundary of the Navajo tribe. The line would run north from 
present Pescado, the Zuni farming village 14 miles west of Zuni 
Pueblo. It would pass through Bear Springs and continue north¬ 
ward to the juncture of the Chaco and San Juan Rivers. Un¬ 
fortunately, many of their fine farm lands were excluded and 
the Novaks protested." 

2 THE NAVAJOS, by Oscor H. Lipps, 1909 (Appendix). 


gan by shooting at one of the sentinels. The 
sentinel retreated, and the Navajos, said to be 
over a thousand strong, began yelling and 
firing from behind woodpiles and buildings. 
The white soldiers had worked out a plan for 
defending the fort in case they were attacked 
so they knew just what to do. By daylight it 
could be seen that the Navajos were retreating 
up the mountainside, and the soldiers chased 
them until they were outdistanced. 

The fight lasted about two hours, according 
to the report of Major Sheppard, then the com¬ 
manding officer of Fort Defiance. One of the 
soldiers was killed by an arrow through his 
heart, and two were wounded. It is not known 
how many Navajos were killed or wounded 
because they took all but two of these men 
with them when they retreated. 

In 1861 the white people themselves began 
fighting against each other. The people in the 
northern part of the country began fighting 
with those who lived in the southern part. This 
is called the Civil War. The soldiers who had 
been stationed in this region to keep the In¬ 
dians at peace were taken away to fight in the 
new war. As soon as this happened the Nava¬ 
jos and some of the Apaches began to raid 
the surrounding country. 

Finally, in 1863, General James Carleton 
decided that the only way to make the Nava¬ 
jos stop fighting would be to round them all 
up and take them to Fort Sumner. He thought 
that it might be possible to teach them how 
to be peaceful farmers like the Pueblo Indions 
if he could get them all together in one ploce 
So he sent Kit Carson to round the Navajos up 

By the spring of 1864 there were obout 
8000 Navajos at Fort Sumner, and more were 
being brought in. Fort Sumner conditions went 
from bad to worse. The people locked fire¬ 
wood in winter, their crops failed, ond mony 
became sick. It is said that in one year 2,321 
people died at Fort Sumner. This wos during 
the year 1865. 

In the same year the Mescalero Apaches 
who were also at Fort Sumner, escoped and 


5 



ran back to their homeland. In the spring of 
1868 the Navajos were all planning to escape 
from there too. They probably would have 
done this if it had not been for the arrival of 
General W. T. Sherman and Colonel Francis 
Tappan. 

By 1868 it had become clear to the men in 
Washington that General Carleton's plans for 
the Navajos were not going to succeed. Gener¬ 
al Sherman and Colonel Tappan were sent out 
to decide what should be done with the Nava¬ 
jos. At first it was planned to send the Navajos 
to Oklahoma in order to get them out of the 
way of the railroads that were about to be 
built in the region where they had formerly 
lived, and also to get them out of the way of 
white settlers who would be coming in as soon 
as these railroads were built. 

But the Navajos wanted to go back to their 
old country, and finally General Tappan de¬ 
cided to let them do so. The Navajos hated 
Fort Sumner so badly that they were willing to 
make any kind of treaty with the white people 
just so long as they would be allowed to go 
back home. So according to the treaty they 
made in 1868, they would be allowed to re¬ 
turn home but would have to stay within the 
boundaries of a reservation which was only a 
small part of the country they once lived in. 

The Navajos did not lose any time in leav¬ 
ing Fort Sumner. They left there just as soon 
as they could. They did not all leave and re¬ 
turn in one big group, however. Rather, family 
groups would start out alone or together with 
other groups and would return to the Navajo 
country over whatever road they might choose. 

The soldiers told them to gather at Fort 
Wingate when they had finished their journey 
from Fort Sumner. But conditions there soon 
became so crowded that it was decided to 
move to Fort Defiance. At this time the Nava¬ 
jos had nothing to eat except the food which 
was supplied to them by the Government. But 
these rations did not always arrive on time, 
and often there was not enough for everyone. 
In the fall of 1868, Mr. Dodd, the Navajo 


Agent, told the Indian Office that the rations 
must be supplied regularly or else the Indians 
would starve and resort to stealing. 

By 1869 many of the Navajos had left Fort 
Defiance and were wandering about in search 
of food. Some were trying to find the places 
where they had formerly lived so they could 
rebuild their hogans and start life anew. But 
that was a bad year. There had been no rain, 
and there were many grasshoppers. The people 
could find little to eat, and there were many 
enemies roving about over the Navajo country. 

Finally, in the fall of 1864, 14,000 sheep 
and 1,000 goats arrived at Fort Defiance for 
the Navajos. Later 16,000 additional sheep 
and 3,000 goats were brought. These were 
distributed among the Navajos to give them a 
new start in the livestock industry. As the 
Navajos received their sheep and goats they 
left Fort Defiance and began to spread them¬ 
selves over the reservation. 

However, the years 1869-1870 were filled 
with hardships. The crops failed, there was 
little water, and the people were hungry. Some 
of them were forced to begin raiding their 
neighbors outside the reservation in order to 
keep from starving. These raiders even got up 
into Utah where they attacked the Mormon 
settlers. 

Brigham Young was then the leader of the 
Mormons, and to stop these Navajo raids on 
his people he sent a man by the name of Jacob 
Hamblin to Fort Defiance. Mr. Hamblin 
warned the Navajos to stop their attacks on 
the Mormon people. 

In 1871 there was a late frost followed by 
another dry summer, so the Navajos were 
again without food. To keep from starving 
they began to steal livestock from people 
living around the reservation. The Navajo 
Agent asked for relief money, and told the 
Indian Office that the Navajo people could 
never become self-supporting from agriculture 
in such an area. 

In 1872 Thomas V. Keam became the 
Agent for the Navajos. He is the man after 


6 


whom Kearns Canyon was named. He found 
that the Navajo people had suffered from 
three dry years since their return from Fort 
Sumner, and that they were suffering many 
hardships. He counted 9,114 Navajos in 1872, 
but these were only the people who were com¬ 
ing in to Fort Defiance for rations. There were 
probably many others who did not come in. 

It was Mr. Keam who organized the Nava¬ 
jo Police to help control the people and keep 
them out of trouble. The Police Force only 
lasted one year, however. 

In 1876 the tribal leaders received word 
that a railroad was to be built along the south¬ 
ern border of the reservation, and the railroad 
company was to receive a strip of land on both 
sides of the railroad track in which everv 
other section would be railroad land. At that 
time Congress used to give railroads land in 
this way in order to get the companies to keep 
building their tracks westward. The Navajos 
were very angry when they heard about this. 

As we told before, when the Navajos re¬ 
turned from Fort Sumner they returned to a 
reservation which included only a small part of 
their former country. The people knew little 
or nothing of where the boundaries were, and 
many of them built their homes outside the 
reservation boundaries on land that had far- 
merly been theirs. Anyway the people and their 
livestock were increasing, and the reservation 
itself was not large enough for all of them. 
Many people were living on the land which the 
Gavernment gave to the railroad, and much of 
this land was good for grazing, with plenty of 
watering places and grass. As soon as the rail¬ 
road got it, the railroad men wanted the 
Navajos to go back to the reservation. In other 
places where Navajos had settled off the reser¬ 
vation the land on which they lived was given 
ta white men, and the Navajos were forced to 
move onto the reservation. Navajo leaders at 
that time knew that the people and their flacks 
were increasing, and they realized that what 
the people needed was more land. They could 
not afford to lose good grazing areas and 
watering places to the railroads or to the white 


settlers. 

As time went on the reservation grew in 
size, but much of the land that was added to 
it was of poor quality. It was impossible for 
the Navajo people to make their living within 
the reservation boundaries. 

During the ten-year period after the return 
from Fort Sumner the Navajos began their 
trading with the white people. They traded 
largely wool and blankets. By the end of this 
ten-year period the Navajos had increased to 
about 13,000, and they had more livestock 
at this time than they had ever had before. 

But there was not enough land for so many 
people and so much livestock. Everywhere the 
Navajos were crying for more land, and it was 
difficult or impossible to keep them inside the 
reservation boundaries. At that time there 
were not very many white people in this region. 
It was not until after 1880 that white people 
began ta come in in large numbers. The tracks 
of the Atlantic and Pacific Railroad crossed 
northern Arizona in 1881-1882. 

The summer of 1879 was dry and the Nav¬ 
ajos lost most of their crops as well as many of 
their sheep. In 1879 there was a school at 
Fort Defiance. The school house was described 
as a small, filthy, leaky adobe building already 
twenty-eight years old. The building of a new 
school had been authorized, but no money had 
yet been appropriated. 

At this time the Navajos were increasing 
their raids on the Zunis and on the New Mexi¬ 
cans, stealing their livestock. Manuelito and 
Ganado Mucho, who were then Navajo leaders, 
became worried that these raids might get the 
people into serious trouble again. The police 
were unable to stop the forays, so these two 
leaders decided to take care of the matter 
themselves. They decided that witchcraft was 
to blame, so they made up a list of the men 
suspected of witchery. Then they told their 
men to find the men whose names were on the 
list and kill them. Over forty thieves and sus¬ 
pected witches were killed in cold blood. 
One of the men killed was Biwos, a leader 
over toward Chinie, and one of the Navajos 


7 


who signed the treaty of 1868 os Muerto De 
Hambre. 

By 1880 the Navajo people had increased 
their stock, and their reservation had doubled 
in size. But there was still not enough land 
for all the people with their herds. Too many 
animals grazing in the summer ranges in the 
mountains ate off the vegetation faster than 
it could renew itself. During the years 1881- 
1884 there were terrible cloudbursts during 
the summer. Without vegetation to hold the 
water back in the mountains, torrents of water 
poured down tearing the country below apart. 
This was perhaps the beginning of our present 
day erosion problems on the Navajo Reserva¬ 
tion. 

The building of the Fort Defiance school 
began in 1879, but the school was not com¬ 
pleted until 1881. In those days the Indian 
Office did not employ teachers as it does now. 
Contracts were made with various religious 
organizations. These organizations supplied 
the teachers in exchange for the chance to 
give religious instruction. To supply the teach¬ 
ers for the school at Fort Defiance an agree¬ 
ment was made between the Indian Office and 
the Presbyterians. 

It is said that when this school opened there 
were about twenty pupils who did not care 
whether they learned anything or not. Captain 
Burke, who visited the school in 1881, wrote 
that it was filthy and miserable. And the pu¬ 
pils who came to the school might stay just 
long enough to get some clothing, after which 
they would disappear. Usually the Navajos 
would send in only slaves or sickly children to 
school. They would keep the healthy ones at 
home to herd sheep. 

The fight for land continued. For many 
years Navajos had lived outside the reserva¬ 
tion in areas where there was water and grass. 
After the railroad was built many white peo¬ 
ple came in to the areas around the Navajo 
Reservation to get allotments of land. They 
would often get allotments of land upon which 
Navajos were living. The Navajos could have 
gotten allotments themselves, but they did not 


know about such matters at that time. The re¬ 
sult was that there was a continual fight be¬ 
tween the Navajos and the white people who 
were coming in. 

In 1887 a throat infection spread among 
the Navajos and killed more than 1,000 people 
in a very short time. 

For several years the Navajo Agents had 
been trying to get money to develop water on 
the reservation. They thought that if water 
could be provided more people could live 
within the reservation boundaries, and per¬ 
haps many of the people who were living 
off the reservation could be brought back. 
$25,000 was received in 1886 for develop¬ 
ments at Washington Pass, Tsailee Creek, 18 
Mile Spring, Chinie Valley and Fort Defiance. 
These were the first such developments on the 
reservation. In 1893 the Indian Office made 
$60,000 available for development of more 
water. Two years later a man was sent to do 
the actual work, but he did not know anything 
about conditions in this region and within two 
years after he had completed his work every¬ 
thing washed out and was lost. 

As we told at the beginning, a compulsory 
education law for Indians was passed in 1887. 
In 1893 Dana L. Shipley was the Navajo 
Agent, and while trying to force Navajo chil¬ 
dren to come to school he got into trouble with 
Black Florse. After being again attacked and 
warned by the Navajos, he gave up his job and 
left the Navajo country. 

The man who followed Mr. Shipley as Nava¬ 
jo Agent was Lieutenant Edwin H. Plummer. 
Lt. Plummer was well-educated and had money 
of his own. He was very much interested in 
the Navajo people and proved to be a good 
Agent and leader. We will quote some of his 
letters to the commissioner and to others which 
he wrote during the time he was the Agent at 
Fort Defiance. He remained the Agent from 
1893 until 1896. 

Although he had many difficulties during 
his time here, the most serious trouble was 
over on the west side of the reservation. In 
1875 Mormons had settled on the Moencopi 


8 


Wash, and a new town was set up there known 
as Tuba City. It was named Tuba after a Hopi 
leader from Oraibi by the name of Tivi who 
had gone to Salt Lake City with Jacob Hamb¬ 
lin. In 1892 trouble developed between the 
Navajo and Hopi on one side and the Mor¬ 
mons on the other over water and land rights. 
A Mormon named Lot Smith was killed by a 
Navajo called Chdch'osh. This affair at Tuba 
City took up much of Agent Plummer's time. 
We will tell more about this trouble at Tuba 
City in another book. 


In this book we are mainly interested in tell¬ 
ing the story of the trouble at Round Rock be¬ 
tween Agent Shipley and Black Horse during 
October 1892. We have told a little of the 
conditions in the Navajo country from 1868 
up to the time Mr. Shipley became Agent. We 
told these things in order that the reader can 
better understand the background against 
which this trouble at Round Rock took place. 

On November 2, 1892, Agent Dana L. 
Shipley wrote a letter to the Commissioner of 
Indian Affairs, explaining the cause of this 
fight with Black Horse, and telling just what 
happened. We will quote that letter here, as 
well as several others by the Agent. This will 
not only give the white man's account of the 
Round Rock affair, but will also give the 
reader an idea of conditions on the Navajo 
Reservation during Mr. Shipley's time. 

"Navajo Agency, N.M., Nov. 2, 1892. Hon. 
Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Washington, 
D. C. Sir: 

"Referring to my telegram dated Round 
Rock, October 30, 1892, I herewith submit 
the following particulars regarding my recent 
trouble with the Navajos. 

"Being desirous to fill my Agency School 
with Navajo children, and considering the fact 
that that part of the reservation lying in the 
vicinity of Round Rock had not contributed 
any children to the school, it appeared to be 
the best and most proper district to visit. 

"In company with Chee, who owns a large 
store at Round Rock, seven police, my Inter¬ 


preter and the Industrial Teacher we arrived at 
Tse-a-lee, a point about 50 miles north of the 
Agency. Here I divided my force into three 
parties, sending two police into the Carrizo 
Mountain district; my interpreter and a judge 
of the Court of Indian Offenses, with a guide 
to point out the hogans, left for Canyon De 
Chelly; while myself with the remainder of the 
party, proceeded to Round Rock. 

"From my Carrizo Mountain division, it 
appears that Black Horse had learned that I 
was at Round Rock for the purpose of procur¬ 
ing 25 or 30 children, which had been prom¬ 
ised me by the friendly Navajos of this vicinity. 
He immediately collected his band of outlaws 
and proceeded to Round Rock to oppose me in 
my intentions. 

"After he arrived, I went into council with 
him and his followers. In this council I made 
him every fair and honorable promise as to the 
treatment and attention which would be given 
these children. I also reminded him and his 
people what had been done by the Government 
for the Navajo Indians, and how he and his 
faction by their conduct were abusing the con¬ 
fidence that had been placed in them by the 
Government in its greatness in granting them 
full pardon for all past offenses when from 
starvation they were compelled to surrender as 
prisoners of war in 1862 and 1863. I spoke 
at length on what was being done in the way 
of education of their children and for their 
advancement, and assured them to what their 
opposition would lead and the punishment 
that would surely follow if they disregarded 
my instructions, and the wish of the Depart¬ 
ment. But he was obstinate and demanded 
that the children be turned over to him and re¬ 
fused to compromise in any way. The result 
was that after he had threatened to kill me 
and my followers if I didn't comply with cer¬ 
tain very unreasonable demands, such as 'clos¬ 
ing down the school,' 'to make no further ar¬ 
rests on the reservation,' 'to wipe out the entire 
Indian work,' 'wonted nothing to do with the 
Government, Agent or anyone else,' 'wanted 
no houses built nor any tools, implements— 


9 



in fact no trade store on the reservation/ and 
even 'to abandon the Agency entirely/ and 
would prevent any Navajos in his district or 
any other portion of the reservation to send 
children to school.' He worked on his followers 
to such an extent that they rushed on me, and 
very violently overpowered me and removed 
me from the building in which the council was 
held. Here they continued their violence on my 
person, until a very powerful friendly Navajo, 
assisted by my police, the trader Chee and his 
clerk Mr. Hubbell, succeeded in tearing me 
away from them and getting me on the inside 
of the trader's store again. 

"The doors and windows were immediately 
barricaded, and all possible preparations were 
made for a defense in case of an attack on the 
building. The wildest excitement prevailed 
among Black Horse and his band on the out¬ 
side. 

"In our then present condition, with only 
a handful of men, and no more than fifty 
rounds of ammunition for two Winchester 
rifles, and revolvers, then add to this their 
crazed and defiant yells of 'kill the Agent,' 

'kill all the d-', 'don't leave one to tell 

the tale,'—with such like threats, had a tend¬ 
ency to place a very unsatisfactory and alarm¬ 
ing phase to our situation. Had it not been for 
a policeman making good his escape on the 
first outbreak and reporting to Lieut. Brown, 
who was then stationed at Tse-a-lee, a point 
about 25 miles south of us, and the impossi¬ 
bility which a hard, continuous rain made for 
setting the building on fire from the outside, 
there would not have been the slightest 
chance for one of us escaping with our lives. 

"The Indians were frantic and chided them¬ 
selves for not having killed me and the rest of 
the party when they had an opportunity. We 
were subjected to this very uncertain suspense 
for nearly 36 hours, with the Indians continu¬ 
ing their threats throughout the entire time. 
I was compelled to make all sorts of promises 
to this gang of thieves and murderers in order 
to partially pacify them. 


"Our condition was very critical at the ar¬ 
rival of Lieutenant Brown and his ten men, 
who had delayed for the report of a courier 
which he had dispatched ta us to learn whether 
or not our condition was alarming and needed 
assistance. The arrival of his party had the 
desired effect. Black Horse then requested 
that no troops be sent in his section, but Lieu¬ 
tenant Brown told him he could not say as to 
what would be done in this matter by General 
McCook, but gave him to understand that the 
offense of which he and his followers were 
guilty was a very grave one, that of assaulting 
a U.S. Officer. So the trouble was settled for 
the present, having suffered no further per¬ 
sonal injury than a broken nose and a bruised 
body for myself, and dangerous head wounds 
inflicted by clubs on the person of one of my 
most faithful police. However, the most vital 
point in connection was my entire forfeiture 
of the purpose intended to this renegade In¬ 
dian and his band of followers. 

"In this procuring of these thirty-four chil¬ 
dren I had the support of all the best and 
leading Indians, among them being Chee, 
Chailch-et (?)\ Isch-bia-sian-ny (?)\ and Be- 
kud-dy, all the above named Indians being 
government officers at this agency. 

"If 1 am not supported in this matter and 
compelled to leave this rebuke go unpunished, 
it will indefinitely retard the school work 
among the Navajos.” 

"And now in view of the perilous condition 
of affairs at Round Rock, and the danger 
which both life and property is subjected to, 
I have recommended to the Post Commander 


1 These names are too dim and badly deleted to be accurately 
deciphered. 

2 In a similar letter to the Commanding Officer at Fort Wingate, 
almost an exact duplicate of this report to the Commissioner, 
Shipley says "—if I am compelled to leave this rebuke go un¬ 
answered for, we might just as well appoint old Black Horse as 
Agent and Commissioner, and move out." 

"This Indian has run everything his own way ever since he 
has been old enough to run anything and is of the worst and 
lowest type of mean Indians. Nothing is too bad or mean for 
him to do, if it will further his desire in any way. The friendly 
Indians are very much afraid of him and his outlaw gang and 
are strong in the opinion that he should be brought to sure 
and immediate justice." 


10 



at Ft. Wingate that a detachment of ten or 
fifteen men, equipped with subsistence suf¬ 
ficient at least to hold them over the winter, 
be stationed at Round Rock, and have further 
requested that at least one company be sta¬ 
tioned at this Agency for protection. Desiring 
to exhaust all reasonable means before going 
to extremes, I have sent a messenger to Black 
Horse and those implicated in this fracas re¬ 
questing that they come to the Agency. If they 
refuse to come, I then respectfully recommend 
their removal from the reservation, and con¬ 
finement in some military prison, some dis¬ 
tance from the Navajo country." 

On November 12, 1892, Agent Shipley 
wrote to the Commanding Officer at Fort 
Wingote, New Mexico, asking again for sol¬ 
diers. He asked for enough soldiers to arrest 
Black Horse and bring him in by force. In 
this letter he said—"Referring to my letter 
of the 2nd. inst. in which I requested the use 
of troops to maintain my authority on the 
reservation, and having requested Black Horse 
and the other Navajos who were implicated 
in the trouble at Round Rock to come to the 
Agency. He has sent me word that he will not 
come and is making preparations for a de¬ 
fense, a courier having learned that some of 
his men were on the San Juan River trying to 
purchase ammunition, he is also trying to 
induce some of the Black Mountain Navajos 
to join him. 

"In view of the fact that Black Horse and 
his band have refused to recognize or yield 
to my authority as Agent, I herewith renew my 
request for the use of troops in sufficient 
number to make the arrest of Black Horse, 
and those who are directly responsible for the 
trouble." 

Agent Shipley's request for soldiers to arrest 
Black Horse was not acted upon by the Com¬ 
manding Officer at Fort Wingate. On Novem¬ 
ber 16, 1892, Shipley again wrote to the Com¬ 
manding Officer, telling him that he had 
received word from Chee (Dodge) that condi¬ 
tions were getting worse in the vicinity of 
Round Rock. Shipley said, "If anything serious 


comes from this neglect to furnish troops the 
blame will not rest on my head." 

Two days later, on November 18, Shipley 
wrote to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs 
complaining that he had tried to get soldiers 
from Fort Wingate to arrest Black Horse, but 
that no soldiers had come. He also said that he 
had called a meeting of Navajo leaders for 
November 23 to discuss the trouble with 
Black Horse and decide upon a course of ac¬ 
tion to be taken. Shipley pointed out that when 
a military officer by the name of Lieutenant 
Britt was attacked by Navajos, General Mc¬ 
Cook sent out 250 soldiers with orders to 
capture the leader of the outbreak, and if the 
Navajos fired a gun the soldiers were to kill 
the prisoner and open fire on the other Nav¬ 
ajos. It seemed to Shipley that the military 
officers did not care about him because he 
was not himself a soldier. He further pointed 
out to the commissioner that the meeting of 
Navajo leaders might prevent a fight with 
Black Horse, but it would not help the Agent 
to get children for the school. 

The meeting was held with the Navajo 
leaders on November 25, 1892, but Black 
Horse was scarcely mentioned. The Navajos 
spent most of the time complaining about the 
treatment of their children at the Fort De¬ 
fiance school, and especially about Mr. Wad- 
leigh, the school Superintendent. The Navajos 
said that they wanted their children to be well- 
treated while they were in school. One of the 
Navajos, a man named Gordy, said, "When we 
put our children in school it is like giving our 
hearts up, and when the Superintendent abuses 
our children it hurts us very much. The name 
we have given this superintendent is Billy 
Goat. A billy goat is always butting all the rest 
of the sheep and imposing on them, and we 
think this is a good name for him. We make 
this complaint to you white people who want 
to see children well-treated. And now we want 
a new superintendent who will take interest in 
our children and treat them as we do." 

The treatment of the children at the Fort 


11 


Defiance school at that time may have had a 
great deal to do with the refusal of many 
Navajo parents to place their children in 
school. At this council meeting which Agent 
Shipley had called to discuss Black Horse 
many Navajos spoke against the school. 

One said "When I brought my boy to school 
he had two eyes. The next time I saw him he 
only had one. I don't know how it happened, 
but it occurred sometime since school com¬ 
menced this fall." 

Another Navajo leader said, "Reports come 
to me that the Superintendent has been catch¬ 
ing some of the boys by the throat and puts his 
hand over their mouth and smothers them." 

There was also a complaint from an Indian 
woman who said that her son "was confined as 
a prisoner in the belfry of the school building 
for the period of two days without food. After 
this period the boy was allowed to go out in 
the school yard with handcuffs on his ankles. 
In this condition the boy attempted to reach 
his home, a distance of about of a mile, by 
crawling on his hands and knees. When within 
a short distance of home the boy sank to the 
ground exhausted, where his mother found him 
and carried him home." 

The Agency carpenter wrote to Mr. Shipley 
on November 24, 1892 as follows, "—Mr. 
Wadleigh is guilty of vile and inhuman treat¬ 
ment of the Navajo boys in school, by placing 
them with handcuffs on their hands in the 
dark and poorly ventilated cellar of the old 
school building. This cellar, as you well know, 
is at the present time and was when I came 
here used as a storage room for salt pork, 
barrels of vinegar and syrup, kerosene oil, 
rotten potatoes and spoiled fresh meats. . . ." 

Toward the end of the year 1892 Agent 
Shipley began to have trouble in the far north¬ 
western part of the reservation. The Indians in 
that area thought that the land was theirs 
and did not want white prospectors to come 
into it. The land in question had been opened 
for their use by an Executive Order of May 17, 
1884, but this Order only stated that the land 
would be set apart for Indian use. It did not 


say that the land in question would be for 
Navajos only. 

Early in 1893 Agent Shipley again had 
trouble with the Navajos. He became afraid of 
them and resigned. He was followed by Lieu¬ 
tenant Edwin H. Plummer, as we told before. 
Agent Plummer worked among the Navajos 
for four years. During the first year or two 
after he became Agent he had trouble with 
Black Horse, as well as with other Navajos liv¬ 
ing along the San Juan River. He wrote many 
letters telling about these troubles and about 
how he settled them. He also told many inter¬ 
esting things about conditions as he found 
them here in his day. 

Lt. Plummer took charge of the Navajo 
Agency on April 1, 1893. The superintendent 
of the school, Mr. Wadleigh, had resigned. In 
his first letter to the Commissioner of Indian 
Affairs, dated April 1 1, 1893, he speaks about 
the school problems. He said in part, "The 
position of Superintendent of the School here 
will be a most difficult one to fill now. The 
prejudice against the school, aroused by Mr. 
Wadleigh's treatment of the children, is partly 
shown in a report of a Council held here No¬ 
vember 25th last:.To remove this preju¬ 

dice, regain the confidence of Indian parents 
and children, to arouse and keep up their in¬ 
terest in the progress of the education of the 
children will be a most difficult task, requiring 
the exercise of rare tact and qualities pos¬ 
sessed by comparatively few persons." 

Lt. Plummer pointed out, however, that 
elsewhere on the Navajo reservation people 
did want education for their children and were 
already asking for schools. He says "While 
the attempt to procure pupils for the school 
here nearly resulted in a massacre, a lady 
missionary working in the northern part of 
this reservation has been repeatedly urged by 
the Indians in that vicinity to open a school, 
and promised an attendance of at least forty 
pupils. This is an illustration of what might be 
accomplished if the proper person were in 
charge of the educational work here." 

But school problems were not the only ones 


12 



that concerned Lt. Plummer during his first 
month as Agent here. On April 14, 1893, he 
sent a wire to the Commissioner in which he 
said that he had received reports of a large 
band of Navajos raiding north of the San Juan 
River. On the following day he wrote to Chee 
Dodge, then a trader at Round Rock. He told 
Chee that he wanted to see Black Horse to ask 
him to help stop the raids. He said in this 
letter, "I am anxious to consult with Black 
Horse and have him advise and assist me in 
settling the affair, and I want you to come 
and see me, if possible, as to sending for him 
and making him understand why I wish to see 
him, that it is as a chief on whom I must de¬ 
pend to help me control the Navajos. . . 

Apparently Black Horse did not come to see 
the Agent, but it was not long before Lt. Plum¬ 
mer met this Navajo Chieftain. Many white 
settlers had come into the area along the San 
Juan River by 1893. The Indians living on the 
reservation in the area south of the river were 
poor, and often times they did not have 
enough to eat. The white people tried to keep 
the Navajos within the reservation boundaries, 
but many Navajos were forced to go beyond 
these boundaries in order to find grass for 
their sheep. The white people had cattle on the 
rangeland outside the reservation, and the 
Navajos would often kill these cattle to eat. 
This gave rise to much trouble along the San 
Juan River. 

On May 20, 1893, Lt. Plummer wrote to the 
Commissioner of Indian Affairs. His letter 
tells so much about the conditions along the 
river that we will quote the whole letter here. 

"On the afternoon of April 21st I received, 
by courier, a letter from Mrs. Whyte, Field 
Matron, living at Jewett, N. M., telling me 
that a citizen named Welsh had been mur¬ 
dered in cold blood by a Navajo Indian on the 
19th of April. 

"I started for Jewett the following morning, 
the 22nd, arriving there on the morning of the 
24th. 

"On the same day I sent word to the Indian 
supposed to have committed the murder that 


I wished him to come to my camp. He came 
in the same evening and, through the Inter¬ 
preter, confessed to me that he had committed 
the murder. On the following afternoon I 
made further investigation regarding the mur¬ 
der and the subsequent robbing of Mr. Welsh's 
store the night of the murder. After complet¬ 
ing this investigation I gave orders to move 
camp to the Farmer's residence, about 12 
miles farther east on the San Juan River. I 
instructed the Indian police, of which there 
were five, that the murderer and his wife 
must accompany us, and cautioned them to 
watch them closely. While I was hitching 
mules to buckboard and others of the party 
were saddling ponies the murderer and his wife 
escaped. I at once sent Indian police in pursuit 
but they were unable to find the man or any 
trace of him. I then talked to a large party of 
Indians who were present and advised them 
that it would be best for their interests to 
catch and surrender the murderer to me. They 
not only refused to do so, but some of them 
were insolent and intimated that they were 
responsible to no one and that no person 
could control them. I argued and advised 
them, but they said that they had heard 
Agents talk before and placed no reliance in 
what I said to them. I learned subsequently 
that friends of the murderer had, at this time, 
a large party concealed nearby in readiness to 
take the murderer from my policeman if at¬ 
tempt was made to arrest or remove him from 
the Reservation. 

"My policemen informed me that they were 
unable to arrest the man, fearing to attempt it 
against the wishes of a larger party better 
armed, etc. 

"In view of this condition of affairs 1 
deemed it advisable to ask for assistance of 
troops, believing that a sufficient display of 
such force would bring the Indians to terms 
without violence of any kind. This proved to be 
the case. After learning that troops had been 
sent for the disposition of the Indians changed 
and they intimated that no resistance would 


13 


be offered to the arrest and removal of the 
murderer. 

"I succeeded in getting a small party to 
agree to search for the murderer. They found 
him and later agreed to secure and deliver 
him to me. This was accomplished on the 
night of April 29-30th. At 2 a.m., April 30th, 

I was awakened and informed that Nesh-kai- 
hay, the murderer, had been secured and that 
the party was on the way with him and wished 
me to meet them, fearing the attempt of rela¬ 
tives and friends to rescue him. I starter at 
once, with Farmer Francis and the interpreter 
to meet them. We met the party at 3:30 a m. 
We returned to the Farmer's residence, crossed 
the river to Fruitland where I hired a convey¬ 
ance and hurried through to Aztec, the County 
Seat. There was some danger of citizens at¬ 
tempting a lynching, but we arrived at Aztec 
at 9 a.m., a distance 32 miles, and the mur¬ 
derer was locked up in the county jail. 

"On Thursday, April 27th, while I was at 
the Farmer's residence, word was brought to 
me that Indians had surrounded the store of 
Mr. Whyte, husband of Mrs. Whyte, Field 
Matron, at Jewett, 12 miles distant, and that 
threats of murder and burning were being 
made. I started at once for Mr. Whyte's, ac¬ 
companied by the Farmer and interpreter. Up¬ 
on arriving at Whyte's we found that the In¬ 
dians had dispersed. The disturbance was 
caused by an Indian crossing to the north side 
of the Son Juan the night before, leaving his 
pony with friends and promising to return, but 
failing to do so and his friends hearing shots 
supposed that he had been murdered by white 
people in revenge for the killing of Mr. Welsh. 
A party congregated at Whyte's and said that 
if the whites had commenced killing they 
would commence too, beginning with the peo¬ 
ple at Whyte's and the Mission. Captain 
Daugherty was permitted by the Indians to 
go to a neighboring store to make inquiries 
regarding the missing man, and fortunately 
found him and brought him back to Whyte's. 
This satisfied the Indians and they returned 
to the Reservation. 


"The report of the crowd and threats at 
Whyte's was carried by runners to Farmington, 
Aztec, Durango and other places and large 
parties of citizens armed and proceeded to 
Whyte's, to render assistance if necessary. 
Reports of the trouble were greatly exaggerat¬ 
ed by runners and by newspapers and led to 
many accounts of trouble that did not occur 
at all. 

"The depredations committed along the 
San Juan River by Navajo Indians during the 
past ten or twelve years have, without many 
exceptions, gone unpunished or uninvestigat¬ 
ed. I know that reports of the condition of 
affairs in that vicinity have been made to the 
Interior Department, but only a personal visit 
and investigation would convince anyone of 
the true state of affairs and the almost in¬ 
credible outrages and abuses perpetrated by 
Indians on white people without punishment 
from authorities or sufferers. A climax seemed 
however to have been reached with the murder 
of Welsh and the subsequent action of the In¬ 
dians at Whyte's, arousing a unanimous feel¬ 
ing among the white people that the time had 
come when they must rise and join in asserting 
the right to their property and lives. The party 
of citizens who remained at Whyte's on the 
night of April 27th decided the following 
morning to proceed to drive all Indians living 
off the reservation in that vicinity back within 
the reservation line. They sent word to me 
that this was their decision and that they 
would commence at noon of the 28th. I feared 
that with the state of feeling existing on both 
sides such action on the part of the citizens 
would precipitate open hostilities and lead to 
much bloodshed. I hastened to the point where 
I was informed the work would commence 
and found a party of over thirty citizens driv¬ 
ing Indians with flocks and herds before them. 

I advised and persuaded the citizens to leave 
such work for troops, which was agreed to with 
but little demur. It was at this time that I 
requested authority to designate the San Juan 
River as the northern boundary of the Navajo 
Reservation. The little piece of the reservation 


14 


north of the river, west of Jewett is a barren 
uninhabitable tract, with the exception of a 
few small flats on the river bank, but it gives 
the Navajos an excuse to cross the river, an 
excuse of no mark to define boundary of Res¬ 
ervation, an opening to fxiss over the Ute 
Reservation to Durango and other places where 
whiskey can be and is obtained in quantities 
and in the same way introduced on the reser¬ 
vation. It would be much easier to control the 
Indians and much trouble could be avoided 
if the River were designated as the boundary. 
The Indians complain too of too many corners 
in the line and ask to have it straightened. 
There are no white settlers on the land referred 
to, and no wood, water, grass or other induce¬ 
ment for them to locate on it. 

"There are no unauthorized white people 
on any part of the Reservation, while the Nav¬ 
ajos are off the Reservation on every side of it, 
killing cattle, stealing ponies, etc. Those along 
the San Juan River, recently made to return 
to the Reservation, are already complaining 
that they are starving since they have not 
access to beef cattle of white people north of 
the river. 

"If the western boundary could be extended 
to the Little Colorado River, similar troubles 
in the vicinity could also be avoided". 

"I notified all Indians living off the Reser¬ 
vation, north of the San Juan River, that they 
must return to the Reservation, and all or 
nearly all had complied with the order before 
I returned here. A few with sick children and 
flocks were unable to cross on account of 
high water. 

"Near River View, Utah, about sixty miles 
west of Fruitland, there is a store owned by 
Daugherty and Hyde. This firm had built a 
large ferry boat operated on a steel wire cable, 
for hauling wool across the river. Indians were 
forbidden to use this boat as they did not 
understand the management of it and there 
was danger of their swamping it if they at¬ 
tempted to use it. On April 5th two Indians 
took the boat from its moorings and would not 
stop or return it when ordered to do so by Cap¬ 


tain W.W. Daugherty, U.S. Army retired, a 
brother of Mr. Daugherty of the above named 
firm. Captain Daugherty fired two shots into 
the water near the boat to compel the Indians 
to return with it, which they did. They then 
gathered a party of about thirty-five Indians, 
went to the store and demanded that they be 
paid two hundred dollars as redress for the 
shooting, or they would burn the buildings, etc. 
The money was paid and I was notified of the 
facts. About ten days later an Indian, while 
drunk, burned a large crib built in connection 
with the cable of the ferry boat. And after¬ 
wards threatened to kill Mr. Hyde. These In¬ 
dians belonged to Black Horse's band. On May 
7th I went to Black Horse's camp, accompa¬ 
nied by troops, and informed him that the In¬ 
dians who demanded and received the $200.00 
and the man who burned the crib must be 
turned over to me to be brought to the Agency 
for trial by the Court of Indian Offenses, and 
that the $200.00 must be returned to the 
owners of the store. Black Horse demurred at 
first, but finally agreed to meet me at Hyde's 
store on the following Thursday with two of 
the men and the money. The troops with me 
were out of rations so it was necessary to re¬ 
turn to Fruitland and start out again with 
fresh troops, on the north side of the river. I 
left Fruitland May 9th, accompanied by two 
troops of cavalry and proceeded to Hyde's 
store, arriving there Thursday the 11th in¬ 
stant. Black Horse arrived on the following 
day, accompanied by about thirty-five bucks. 
He turned over to me the two prisoners and 
promised to pay the $200.00 as soon as it 
could be raised by the friends of the prisoners. 
Black Horse expressed an intention the night 
before to refuse to comply with my wishes and 
to defy my authority, but being better advised 
and finding me supported by troops he de¬ 
cided to act as I wished. 

"I was informed that there were grown men 
in Black Horse's party who had never seen an 
Agent before. There has been a great deal of 
cattle killing, horse stealing and whiskey traf¬ 
fic by Indians in that vicinity. I warned the 


15 


Indians that the white people and their proper¬ 
ty must not be molested and that the traffic in 
liquor must be stopped. 

"I heard of a case west of Hyde's store 
where an Indian has in his possession $1000 
worth of horses belonging to a white man, 
which he acknowledges but refuses to return. 
For want of time I was compelled to defer in¬ 
vestigation of the case. 

"I returned to Fruitland with the troops, 
arriving there on Monday the 15th. On the 
same afternoon I went to Aztec, 32 miles 
distant to attend preliminary hearing in the 
case of the murderer of Mr. Welsh, which 
was held the following morning. He was com¬ 
mitted to jail to await the action of the Grand 
Jury. I returned to Fruitland the same day 
and on the following morning started for the 
Agency, arriving here at 11 a.m., the 18th. 
While absent I traveled, by buckboard and 
horseback 659 miles." 

On June 5, 1893, Lt. Plummer wrote to 
Chee Dodge as follows, "I will send the things 
for Black Horse by your wagons. Please tell 
him that I would very much like to release 
those prisoners as they have been confined 
so long and as soon as I get the $200.00 and 
the gun I will send a runner to the Officer in 
command of the troops and tell him to turn 
the men loose. " 

On June 22, 1893, Lt. Plummer wrote to 
Captain Daugherty, telling him that Black 
Horse had sent word that he had collected 
$180.00. Lt. Plummer said that he would set 
the prisoners free at once. He also told Captain 
Daugherty that he would "come up and at¬ 
tend to the horses being released just as soon 
as I can get away for long enough. I have a 
murder case and a four thousand head of 
sheep steal to settle down here, besides several 
minor cases and I may not be able to get away 
before August." 

On June 27, 1893, the Agent wrote to the 
Commissioner of Indian Affairs. Speaking of 
the Navajos living along the San Juan River, 
he said, "The Indians in that vicinity are so far 
from the Agency and have seen and felt so 


little of the authority of the Government that 
they are not easily controlled, and I believe 
that if they are not controlled and prevented 
from returning to their former habits serious 
trouble will be the result." 

It is clear from Lt. Plummer's letters that 
conditions on the Navajo Reservation in the 
1890's were very unsettled. The Agent had a 
hard time keeping the Indians from getting 
into serious trouble with the white people and, 
as we shall see, the Indians were having a hard 
time to make a living. At this time Lt. Plum¬ 
mer estimated that there were about 20,000 
Navajos. It seems that the Indian Office had 
told him to count the Navajos. Since it would 
have been impossible for him to count the 
people he wrote to the Commissioner of In¬ 
dian Affairs telling him that "This tribe com¬ 
prises about 20,000 Indians, scattered over 
some 12,000 or 14,000 square miles of coun¬ 
try, living in mountains and secluded places 
difficult of access and often almost impossible 
to find unless known to the searcher. Many of 
them (are) located from one to two hundred 
miles off the Reservation. If every available 
employee and animal pertaining to the 
Agency, including school and police were 
started tomorrow on this work it could not 
be completed within the time specified. I will 
endeavor to secure an approximate estimate of 
the population. This was all that was really 
obtained when the last regular census was 
made, with all the time and facilities, funds, 
etc. at the disposal of those making it." 

In many ways Navajo economic conditions 
as described by Lt. Plummer in the 1890's 
sound very much the same as they do today. 
The people were increasing, but their reser¬ 
vation land was not growing as fast as the 
population. There was not enough feed for 
the livestock, and the sheep were becoming 
poor in quality. This fact is brought out by the 
Agent in a letter of May 22, 1893 to the Sec¬ 
retary of the Indian Rights Association, in 
which he says, "A cross breed of sheep is also 
very much needed as continued inbreeding 
has greatly reduced the yield of wool." 


16 




In a letter of December 27, 1893 to the 
Commissioner, the Agent points out that 
boundary markers should be put up on that 
part of the reservation running northward 
about 15 miles from near Jewett, New Mexi¬ 
co. In this area itself there was no stock 
water, and the Indians were in the habit of 
watering their livestock at a place four or five 
miles east of the reservation. While watering 
their animals they would let them graze on 
the off reservation range, and this led to con¬ 
tinual trouble with the white cattle men. Also, 
Lt. Plummer says "Last winter many cattle 
were killed in this vicinity by Navajos. They 
are much more in need of food this winter and 
will probably resort to cattle killing again 
whenever opportunity offers unless kept on 
the reservation in that vicinity." 

In a letter of December 29, 1893, Lt. Plum¬ 
mer again speaks of the poverty of the Nav¬ 
ajos. He asked if funds would be available 
that year with which to buy wagons, scrapers, 
plows, wire fence and alfalfa seed for the 
Navajos. He says, "If ditches are constructed, 
as appropriated for last year, some provision 
should be made to enable the Indians to make 
use of the water after the completion of the 
ditches. 

"These Indians are too poor now to buy 
anything. They cannot buy the necessities of 
life. There is a strong desire among them now 
to improve their land and to make some effort 
towards improving their pastures. Their graz¬ 
ing lands are in very poor condition and com¬ 
plaints are continually made about their tres¬ 
passes on the lands off the reservation with 
their flocks. 

"A strong complaint comes in tonight from 
the Atlantic and Pacific, not only that Navajos 
are occupying lands granted to the railroad, 
but that settlers will not buy or use the lands 
of the railroad company while Indians are 
occupying the adjoining lands. I know this to 
be the case. Every session of the Legislature 
of Arizona passes resolutions urging that the 
Navajos be kept on their Reservation. 

"The Reservation and the Indians are so 


impoverished that it is not practicable to hold 
them all on the Reservation as things are at 
present, especially on the south and west, but 
I believe that if water of the springs and 
streams on the Reservation were developed, 
as they may easily be, and the Indians assisted 
to, and encouraged in, improving their pas¬ 
tures and cultivating farms it would result in 
their all coming to the Reservation, and if fhe 
Reservation were extended and enlarged by 
the extending of it to the Little Colorado River 
on the west and making the southern line an 
extension of the Moqui Reservation, I believe 
that the whole tribe could be induced without 
difficulty to occupy only their own lands. . . . 
If these Indians are not materially assisted 
this year and (if) next year proves to be a dry 
one and a poor wool season, rations will have 
to be issued to the majority of the tribe next 
winter to prevent them from starving to 
death." 

In his letter of May 20, 1893, in which he 
reported to the Commissioner on his activities 
in connection with the murder of Mr. Welsh, 
the Agent said, "About half way between the 
Agency and Fruitland I visited and inspected 
a dam built in Cottonwood Wash by an Indian 
known as Captain Tom. He built cribs of logs 
and filled them with rocks, backed by earth, 
making a dam about twenty five feet thick 
which turns nearly all the water of the creek 
off on a praifie, bringing about two hundred 
acres under irrigation. The work is very credit¬ 
able. The land is used for pasture and foi 
planting. 

"The idea that the Navajos are self-support¬ 
ing is certainly erroneous. Unless subsisting 
on cattle of white people can be called self- 
support. Their principal diet is meat and they 
never use their ponies or sheep for food if they 
can get beef by stealing. They are poor and 
getting poorer, and unless assisted materially 
very soon they must be fed by the Government 
or forced to increase their stealing. Theit 
flocks have been largely diminished by sale, 
sickness and occasional use for food. The 
greater majority have no visible means of 


17 


support at all and must live on stolen cattle, 
through stealing ponies and horses, or on the 
fast diminishing herds of others. 

"The great need is for fences, ditches, seeds 
(principally potatoes, wheat, alfalfa, oats and 
corn) planted, cultivated, and products gath¬ 
ered and distributed or stored, under the direc¬ 
tion of Farmers, the introduction of a cross 
breed of sheep, and the compulsory exchange 
of large numbers of worthless ponies for sheep 
or cattle." 

On January 3, 1894, Lt. Plummer wrote to 
Mr. C. H. Fancher, General Agent for the 
Atlantic and Pacific Railroad (now the Santa 
Fe). The railroad officials had been writing 
to the Agent demanding that Navajos be 
made to move back onto the reservation wher¬ 
ever they were living outside the boundaries. 
The railroad was especially interested in get¬ 
ting rid of Navajos who were living on railroad 
land. 

In this letter Lt. Plummer said, "The Reser¬ 
vation is not large enough or in condition to 
support the herds of the Navajos and this has 
been made the subject of several reports by 
me. 

"Last winter money was appropriated for 
the purpose of developing the water on the 
Reservation, constructing ditches, reservoirs, 
etc. Up to the present time, so far as I know, 
nothing whatever has yet been done about 
carrying out this work. I believe that if done 
the resources of the Reservation would soon be 
so developed as to draw nearly all of the Nava¬ 
jos onto the Reservation. As it is now they 
could not be provided for on the Reservation, 
unless fed by the Government. They are con¬ 
sidered by the Government a self-supporting 
tribe and it is very difficult to get anything 
for them from the Government. The annual 
appropriation for the Support and Civilization 
of the Navajos is only $7500.00. Out of this 
comes all the running expenses of the Agency. 

"I have frequently represented to the Indian 
Office the condition of this tribe; and in their 
present condition, unless assisted, must starve 

or steal. 


". . . . I fully appreciate the situation and 
have for a long time, but have not been able 
to make it clear to the authorities in Washing¬ 
ton. The same or a similar state of affairs 
exists in other localities where the Navajos 
have been compelled to move off the Reser¬ 
vation to get grazing for their flocks. 

"I would recommend that you have the 
authorities of your road in the east visit the 
Commissioner of Indian Affairs, in Wash¬ 
ington, and fully explain the situation to him. 
If this were done persistently by your road 
and by the cattle men and others interested 
I believe that proper measures would be adopt¬ 
ed to relieve the situation, which I consider, 
and have so reported, very serious. It is not 
understood or appreciated in Washington or 
anywhere away from the Reservation. Only 
those in continual contact with these Indians 
know how impoverished they and their Reser¬ 
vation are, and what urgent necessity there 
is that something be done for them, as well 
for their sakes as to give the settlers about 
the Reservation the enjoyment of their rights. 
If these Indians must be fed and supported it 
should be done by or through the general 
Government and not by those who are com¬ 
pelled to on and about the Reservation. . . . 
but I also understand the situation better 
than anyone else and see difficulties to speedy 
adjustment of the difficulties that do not 
appear to those living at a distance." 

Lt. Plummer was interested in Navajo prob¬ 
lems, and tried his very best to help the 
people. He knew that one of the answers to 
Navajo problems was the education of their 
children. But few Navajos at that time were 
interested in education. They lived very much 
as they had always lived and had little in¬ 
terest in learning the ways of the white man. 
In fact, many Navajos did not believe that 
there were very many white men. They had 
never seen many .... only the few who came 
onto the Reservation for one reason or another, 
or those few settlers that lived around the 
Navajo country. Some of the younger Navajos 
felt that the tribe was stronger than the white 
people. 


18 


Then too, the schools on the Navajo Reser¬ 
vation at that time were not always as good 
as they might have been. We have told how 
the children were mistreated at the Fort De¬ 
fiance schaol. It took Lt. Plummer a long 
time to regain the confidence of Navajo 
parents and to get them to again send their 
children to that school. It was also very dif¬ 
ficult to get good teachers and other school 
employees to come to the Navajo country. 
In those days life was hard on the Reservation, 
and the salaries paid to the teachers were 
very small. The teachers received about $600 
a year at that time and had to work very hard, 
so the best ones stayed back east where life 
was easier and the pay higher. 

In order to convince the Navajos that the 
United States Government was strong enough 
to force the tribe to behave if necessary, and 
to convince the Navajo people that educatian 
was a necessity for their children, Lt. Plum¬ 
mer decided to take a group of Navajos to 
visit the east. He got the approval of the 
Commissioner for this trip, but the Indian 
Office had no money to pay the expenses. Lt. 
Plummer originally planned to take the group 
of Navajos to Washington as well as to other 
large cities in the east. His mother lived on a 
farm near Baltimore, and he wanted to take 
the group there for a rest after their visit to 
the eastern cities. However, such a trip would 
cost too much money, so he had to change his 
plans. 

In the year 1893 there was a great fair in 
Chicago, called The World's Columbian Ex¬ 
position, and Lt. Plummer decided to take 
his group of Indians to this fair. It was through 
the Indian Rights Association and its Sec¬ 
retary, Mr. Herbert Welsh, that Lt. Plummer 
got the money for the trip. We will quote 
some of the letters here which tell of his rea¬ 
son for making the trip, and the results of this 
visit to the east. 

On June 5, 1893, Lt. Plummer wrote to the 
Commissioner of Indian Affairs asking for 
approval to his plan for taking a group of 
Navajos to visit the east. In this letter the 


Agent said, "I recommend that arrangements 
be made to have a carload of Navajo Indians 
visit Washington and two or three larger 
cities in the early autumn, for the purpose of 
seeing something of the educational methods 
of Americans, and the power, extent and ad¬ 
vantages of civilization. 

"But this means that advantages of educa¬ 
tion and the resources and strength of Ameri¬ 
cans would be demonstrated to the Indians in 
a way and to an extent that could never be 
accomplished by any amount of talk or reason¬ 
ing, or in any way except by observation, the 
natural and almost only way for the Indian to 
acquire knowledge. 

"The Indians to be selected for this journey 
should be from those living most remote from 
civilization and from those most opposed to 
adopting civilized modes of living and the 
educational advantages offered for their 
children. 

"Many of the young men of this tribe be¬ 
lieve that they are superior to Americans 
in every way, having seen only a few settlers 
scattered along the frontier, few specimens of 
Americans and those of the worst type. 

"When two troops of cavalry visited an 
Indian encampment a short time ago an In¬ 
dian remarked that he had heard that there 
were a great many Americans, but he had no 
idea that there were so many as those present 

"Indians learn and are influenced almost 
entirely by observation. Their observation of 
education and its advantages has not been 
sufficient in extent or degree to develop in 
them a desire to have their offspring educated 
as would undoubtedly be the case if some of 
them could see personally some larger school 
and the methods of educating American chil¬ 
dren and tell it to their people." 

On June 22, 1893, Lt. Plummer wrote to 
Herbert Welsh, Secretary of the Indian Rights 
Association, saying that he had applied to 
friends on the railroad for rates for a carload 
of Navajos. He pointed out that it was not the 
leading men of the tribe who needed to visit 


19 


the east and find out something of the 
strength of the white men, but some of the 
younger men who "are rebelling against and 
opposing the efforts to educate and civilize 
the children, and who think that they are 
stronger than the whites." The older men had 
learned about white men and about the white 
man's way of life at Fort Sumner. 

In another letter to Herbert Welsh, dated 
June 29, 1893, Lt. Plummer said that he had 
hoped to visit the girls' school at Vassar be¬ 
cause "They (the Navajos) have such an aver¬ 
sion to having their girls go away from home 
to school I wanted them to see a large girls' 
boarding school." 

On July 1, 1893, the Agent wrote to Major 
S. K. Hooper, General Passenger Agent for the 
Denver and Rio Grande Railroad. He said, 
"We have had much trouble convincing these 
Indians of the advantages of education, and I 
am very desirous of showing them some of the 
large schools for white children. There are 
some young bucks of the tribe who have a 
contempt for the strength of the whites, and 
I wish to have some of these see something of 
civilization. It is chiefly those on the northern 
part of the Reservation thot are to be con¬ 
vinced, so that it would be just as well to go 
out by way of Durango. If I so arrange, it will 
only stop off at Denver. I think that they can 
see enough in that city and Chicago to con¬ 
vince them of all that I wish to impress upon 
them. As the Government cannot afford the 
expense of the trip I shall make no endeaver 
to take them to Washington." 

Lt. Plummer's party left Gallup, New Mexi¬ 
co, on October 13, 1893, traveling on money 
raised by the Indian Rights Association. There 
were eleven men, one school girl, and two 
school boys in the group. In a letter to the 
Secretary of the Indian Rights Association on 
October 26, 1893, the Agent said that, after 
leaving Kansas City, three of the Chiefs asked 
to talk to him. 

They told him that "They had always sup¬ 
posed that they knew all about the country we 
were traveling through from their ancestors. 


but that they now saw that they were mis¬ 
taken. They had supposed that there were very 
few white men in that part of the country, 
but they saw that it was full of them. One of 
the Chiefs added that now when the Navajos 
were "acting mean" he had something to tell 
them that would make them behave them¬ 
selves." 

While in Chicago the party of Navajos 
camped on the Fair Grounds at the World's 
Columbian Exposition. There they visited all 
the exhibits, and everything they saw was 
carefully explained to them. They were also 
shown about the city and visited many large 
industries there. 

The party left Chicago on the twenty-first 
of October, and arrived back on the Reser¬ 
vation on October twenty-fourth. During the 
evening of their arrival they told about their 
experiences to a group of school children 
and visiting Indians at the Agency. Two of 
the Navajo leaders were said to have spoken 
out strongly urging the people to place their 
children in school. The cost of the entire trip 
was $754.17, as Lt. Plummer reported it to 
Mr. Welsh. 

Under Plummer's guidance Navajo interest 
in education began to grow. However, the 
schools were not large enough. Children were 
crowded then as badly as they are in some of 
the present day reservation schools. The Agent 
points these facts out in a letter to the Com¬ 
missioner dated December 26, 1893, in which 
he describes conditions at Kearns Canyon. He 
felt that the school was good as far as educa¬ 
tional work went, but of the buildings he says: 

"Into dormitories which the physician says 
should accommodate forty pupils, eighty to 
one hundred are crowded. This renders the 
condition as crowded nearly as the homes of 
the pupils. Scarlatina and mumps have lately 
been among the diseases treated by the phy¬ 
sician, and in the crowded condition of the 
building it is almost impossible to prevent the 
spread of the disease, and if deaths occur a 
strong prejudice will be aroused against the 
school, to say nothing of conducting a board- 


20 


ing school for any human pupils with such a 
condition of accommodations. The mess room 
and the kitchen are in the same room entirely 
too crowded for the purpose. The boys' dormi¬ 
tory and wash room (used os a sitting room for 
the boys) are without ceilings, and the latter 
is very much in need of a new floor. The store 
rooms are entirely inadequate. The flour and 
winter supply of potatoes are crowded into a 
small room, with only a few square feet of 
space near the door. The potatoes on the 
bottom of the pile will naturally be last used 
and will, especially in the closely packed, ill- 
ventlated condition of the room, become very 
much decayed before using. The flour on the 
same level will also be last used, and while in 
store will absorb more or less of the exudations 
from the decaying potatoes and would prob¬ 
ably be injurious to health of any eating bread 
made from it. Ample appropriations should be 
made for the construction of additional school 
and store buildings." 

On January 8, 1894, Lt. Plummer again 
wrote to the Commissioner. The Navajo Agent 
was not sure whether or not to consider him¬ 
self in charge of the Hopis and asked about 
this matter. He had just returned from a visit 
to the Hopi villages and found that the Hopis 
did not want to send their children to school 
either. He talked with some of the Hopis and 
got a half promise that they would send their 
children to school. However, when the time 
came, no children appeared. His interpreter, 
a boy who had just returned from Haskell, 
told him that the Hopis would rather have 
policemen sent for their children. Lt. Plummer 
says, "This is in opposition to the policy I 
have adopted with the Navajos, but having 
so little to do with the administration of the 
affairs of the Moqui (Hopis) I was led to be¬ 
lieve that this means would be satisfactory 
to them and would secure the children, so (I) 
sent some policemen who, accompanied by 
Mr. Goodman, visited the villages but failed 
to secure the children. And it is now reported 
to me that soldiers must be sent to force the 
children. I must say that I do not believe this 


method should be pursued. If soldiers are sent 
I believe that it should be to arrest and con¬ 
fine the headmen who are responsible for the 
children not being sent to school." 

In this letter Lt. Plummer reminds the Com¬ 
missioner of the letter of December 26 in 
which he described the crowded condition of 
the school at Kearns Canyon. And he recom¬ 
mended that no action be taken to get more 
children into school there until the school was 
made large enough to take care of them. 

Plummer was working closely with the 
Navajos, trying to convince them of the need 
for educating their children. He tried to per¬ 
suade them to place their children in school, 
rather than send soldiers to force them to do 
so. In this way he was regaining the con¬ 
fidence of the people and was well on his way 
to building up a school that was really run¬ 
ning. In his letter to the Commissioner he said, 
"I received word today that twelve children 
had been gathered for this school near Round 
Rock, where Agent Shipley had a fight with 
the Navajos while trying to secure children, 
and aroused even a stronger prejudice against 
the school than existed before.—I mention 
this to show how entirely the sentiment of the 
Navajos has changed toward school work and 
I believe that if the proper methods are pur¬ 
sued with the Moquis similar results will be 
attained." 

On January 22, 1894, Plummer wrote to 
his friend Herbert Welsh of the Indian Rights 
Association. He said, "The Chicago Trip had 
a wonderful effect on the tribe. Especially 
in the desire for educational work. We have 
now a larger attendance at the Boarding 
School here (Fort Defiance) than there has 
ever been before, and the children have all 
been brought in by the Indians instead of by 
policemen as formerly. Recently we received 
sixteen from the neighborhood of Round Rock 
where, a little over a year ago. Agent Shipley 
had a hand-to-hand encounter with a large 
party while endeavoring to secure pupils by 
force." 

The Agents who came after Lt. Plummer 


21 


did not always carry on the work as wisely as 
he did. They also had their troubles with the 
Navajo, sometimes over the matter of placing 
children in school. However, more schools 
came to be built, and gradually the attitude of 
the Navajo people toward education has 
changed. Today the people everywhere are 
clamoring for more schools for their children. 
But there are still not enough schools even 
today, and some of our present schools are 
almost as crowded as the one Lt. Plummer 
described. 

We have given a little sketch of Navajo 
history from early times through the difficult 
years following the return from Fort Sumner. 
Then we have quoted from letters written by 


the Navojo Agents during the years 1892- 
1894, This should give the reader a good 
picture of conditions as they were at the time 
Agent Shipley had the fight with Black Horse, 
and he should have some idea of how these 
conditions all came about. 

Now we will present the stories of three 
Navajos, one of whom was present at Round 
Rock when the fight with Black Horse oc¬ 
curred. You hove read the white man's account 
of what happened. Now to make the story com¬ 
plete you should also read the Navajo account. 
In that way you can learn both sides of the 
story. The stories given by the Novajos are told 
here in their own words—just as they told 
them. 


22 


The Trouble at Round Rock 

by Left-Handed Mexican Clansman 


My forbears, the olr^ men and women folk, 
were of the Mexican People Clan. With great 
hardship they came back from the place called 
Fort Sumner, packing their goods on their 
backs, and afterward lived here at Lukachukai. 
Here they began life anew. Then from their 
home at a place called Spring in the Clay 
they started moving over and across yonder 
mountain. While they were making this move 
they stopped for the night, and it is said that 
I was born where they halted. Let's see, I be¬ 
lieve it was in the month of October. I was 
born on a night when a heavy snow had begun 
to fall. My grandfather, a man by the name 
of White Mexican Clansman, and another 
man called The Son of Former Sweathouse, 
were the only men. They and several women¬ 
folk worked hard on me. 

My grandfather had a fine wether goat 
that he was quite proud of. He killed it there, 
and the people feasted with great joy. Then 
on the day following the night of my birth we 
ogain started to move. In those days people 
went about only on horseback or afoot. 

On the day following the night on which she 
gave birth to me, my mother went on foot as 
far as the people moved that day. And since 
it had snowed the night before they had to go 
through the snow. It is remarkable how risky 
life was in those days. Nowdays when a woman 
gives birth they take special care of her, telling 
her not to catch cold. Back at that time it was 
different. 

As time went on I somehow grew up. I do 
not remember much about it. I do not re¬ 
member in detail much of what happened 
before I was about ten years old. When morn¬ 
ing wou/d come and I would be sleeping nicely, 
my grandfather would throw me out of bed. 


"Come on! Come on! Why are you lying 
down? Go run a race. If you're weak the first 
harmful thir>g^ that comes along will run 
over you. If you are strong you will lie hud¬ 
dled in death only after the dirt is torn and 
furrowed around you (i.e. you will give up only 
after a struggle)," my grandfather used to tell 
me. The old folks all used to say that. 

They probably said this because they knew 
of the wars that were going on. That is the way 
my grandfather drove me about and spoke to 
me. He did not speak in anger. He did not 
speak harshly. He told it to me in a nice way. 
So that is the way I spent my days from that 
time on. 

After I had reached the age of eighteen I 
did various kinds of odd" jobs. I had an uncle 
by the name of Forked House. He was a young 
man, and he adopted me. He started sending 
me on chores. I would take care of his horses 
for him. He had a wagon and a team. He 


1 We have here translated the Navajo word deeteel as 
'harmful thing." The word formerly denoted a monster of some 
iype. Since the word means "broad horns" literally translated it 
has, in modern times, come to be identified as "moose." It moy 
actually have been used to designate this animal in former 
times when the Navajo lived in the for north. It is soid by some 
that the horns of the deeteel, "brought from Alaska or some¬ 
where in the north," are used in certain ceremonies. 

It is interesting to note in this connection that two expres¬ 
sions involving the word deeteel are still current, both tronslot- 
ing "to pass away," "to die." Deeteel yoabi’iisha’, he died 
(lit. the deeteel tossed him up into the air). The stem -sha’ re¬ 
fers to a pronged sharp pointed object, such as the prong of o 
horn. The other expression is deeteel hoya’iikq, he died (lit. the 
deeteel scooped him up in the oir.) The stem -kq refers to a 
shoveling or scooping oction, such as might be accomplished 
with the brood portion of o moose's antlers. It is altogether 
oossible that deeteel wos formerly used by the Novajos to 
designate the moose at the time fhot they lived in the north. 
The expressions referring to death may well have had their 
origin at o time when this powerful and sometimes fierce onimol 

was a common cause for the untimely demise of people. 


23 



would tell me to haul wood with it, or to work 
with it. 

At the time I was about eighteen years old 
the person who started the present trading 
post at Blue Clay Point moved there—I used 
to know just when it was. They used to call the 
Former Old Interpreter (Chee Dodge) Chee 
(Red) when I first heard of him. Chee was a 
good friend of a white man from Ugly House 
(Manuelito, N.M.) known as Big Lump Setting 
Up (S. E. Aldrich). The two of them built the 
trading post at the place called Blue Clay 
Point. It was in the spring when they moved 
there. There was an epidemic in progress, and 
we now refer to it as "the time when the throat 
killed many."^ It was at that time, in the 
spring, that they moved to Blue Clay Point, it 
was said. That is how it came about that the 
one who would be called The Interpreter (Chee 
Dodge) and the one who would be named Big 
Lump Setting Up came to move there. 

They built the trading post and four years 
later perhaps, I do not recall exactly when, 
the one I called my uncle told us to haul wood 
there. They (the traders) probably called for 
the wood. 

There was a boy of the Big Water Clan with 
whom I always chummed around. We started 
doing that kind of work. We went about call¬ 
ing each other "younger brother," and we 
hauled wood to the trading post. We heard 
reports that there were people going about to 
get children put into school. It was said that 
they were then over at Chinie, and we heard 
that they were coming here sometime soon. 
We would discuss it when we took the wagon 
after wood. 

"Say, let's go to school," I said to my com¬ 
panion. 

"All right," he said. 

And we went about, talking enthusiastically 
about it. In the evening after we had unloaded 
another load of wood we started back home in 


1 Reference is to on epidemic of throat infection which, taking 
place in 1887, is said t.o have killed an estimated one thousand 
Navajos. 


the wagon. When we got back to the hogan 
we found that my uncle was there. And it 
turned out that my grandfather, who was 
called Big Mexican Clansman, was there too. 
So we told them of our plan. 

"They are putting children in school, it is 
said." 

We told them how we had both said, "Let's 
go to school." 

"It's probably all right. It's fine indeed, my 
children. A party is on its way coming to us. 
You cannot escape them anyway," my uncle 
and my grandfather said to us. 

On the next day we went to the trading post, 
and my grandfather put his thumbprint on a 
paper for us. 

It was reported that the children from 
Chinie who were being taken to school would 
get there in two days, and we heard the grown¬ 
ups talking to one another about it. 

Of those menfolk who were talking to one 
another about it, one was called Weela. He 
lived over behind Round Rock and was one of 
the leaders at that time. One was called Bead 
Clan Gambler, and he was a member of the 
police force. He was a very strong, husky man. 
He was from Chinie, but he was a member of 
the police force at Fort Defiance. He had come 
on ahead with the white man from Fort De¬ 
fiance called Little Chief (Agent Dana Ship- 
ley). It was there that my grandfather spoke 
and promised us. 

"I am putting these two boys in school," he 
said by way of promise. 

Since it was reported that it would be an¬ 
other day before the wagon load of children 
would arrive, we went back home. We spent 
the night there and then returned on foot. 

And we found that the children had arrived. 
There was some man of the Bitter Water Clan 
whom people called Pug Nose. He was going 
around with the party, taking care of the 
children. He knew a little English, and that 
was probably why he was told to take care of 
the children. He was busily running around 
the children who had been hauled in, chat¬ 
tering in English. He was keeping them to- 


24 



gether. The children from Blue Clay Point who 
were to be put in school hod not all been 
brought in as yet. It was said that the wagon 
with the children would start off in two days. 
They were to go by way of Lukachukai, Tsaile, 
and Crystal, and on over to Fort Defiance. 
That was probably the plan. 

But the people who live over beyond yonder 
mountain in the area of Cove and Red Rock 
were thinking ugly thoughts about the plan in 
connection with education. It is just recently 
that these people became old men, and they 
have all died. At that time, when they acted 
as they did, they were young men. They said 
that if this business of taking children to 
school got to them they would really do some¬ 
thing about it. As we came to find out, they 
were saying that (the school) would not get a 
one of their children. A man by the name of 
Black Horse was the leader of that faction. 
They had no doubt heard that in a certain 
number of days a party would come to Blue 
Clay Point for the purpose of putting children 
in school. So they began to think of the matter 
with bitterness. 

They probably said, "Boys, let's go there. 
Come on!" 

So they probably set out from there for this 
purpose (of opposing the placing of children 
in school). We had not heard of this and knew 
nothing about it. They met (the school party) 
at Blue Clay Point. 

Near the trading post there was a house 
which, at that time, we called the Ugly House. 
The house served the purpose of providing a 
place to sleep for the people who came to the 
trading post. Black Horse's party went over 
there, and they no doubt came with evil 
thoughts. The people who lived hereabout had 
heard nothing of their plans, but at night they 
spoke about themselves, revealing their in¬ 
tentions. 

The one I referred to as my grandfather, 
and another uncle of mine called Little Boy, 
apparently went there at night and heard 
them telling about it. 

Among those present were the men known 


as Black Horse, Limper, Tall Red House Clans¬ 
man, Old Bead Chant Singer—who was of the 
Red House Clan—and his cousin, a Bitter 
Water Clansman called Bead Chant's Nephew, 
and another man with whom I was merely 
acquainted, and who was a relative of mine 
by marriage. His name was Yellow Fermentive 
Chewer.^ These are the only ones I can re¬ 
member of those who came from there (on the 
other side of the mountain). I do not remember 
who the rest were. 

They probably planned to go in to see the 
Agent on the next day. They no doubt told 
what they thought—^what their opinions were 
regarding this school business that had started 
in connection with us. They told these things 
to the people from here who had gathered. 
So people began to think along the lines of 
their planning. 

"Now men, is there anyone here who can 
do it (a chant)? Long ago, people of old had 
a story of some kind of chant called "Talk 
One Into the Grave." Who of you knows it?" 
said Black Horse, asking that it be performed. 

These people from the other side of the 
mountain were saying this. That is what I 
heard. I wasn't at the meeting myself. And 
I don't know just how this chant goes. 

"I do," said the one I referred to as Little 
Boy. 

"Two of you are needed for it," said Black 
Horse. 

So then my grandfather, the man I spoke of 
as Big Mexican Clansman, volunteered to join 
him to carry on the ceremony. South from the 
trading post there is a ruin which we call in 
Navajo "Shattered House." Someone burned 
it long ago. It is said that they were ancsazi.^ 
It is black there like ashes. It was there that 


1 Formerly a fermentive was produced by chewing starch, the 
enzymes from the saliva functioning to convert starch to sugcu. 
This process was used especially in preparing the "puberty 
cake" called ’alkqqd, and the individual herein named was no 
doubt reknowned for his ability along this line. 

2 The Navajo name for the ancient Puebloan peoples who built 
and lived in the many ruins that <iot the Southwest. 


25 



they carried on the ceremony. I don't know 
how it was done. That is what took place that 
night. 

As for us, we spent another night at my 
uncle's hogon. Today we hod been placed 
among children who were to be taken off to 
school. On the morrow we would start off with 
them. So for that purpose, in the morning we 
again started off from the hogan afoot. We 
left with menfolk, with the one who would 
thumbprint the papers for us and wha would 
vouch for us. It was my grandfather. Big 
Mexican Clansman. He stood up for the two 
of us. 

When we got to the store we found that 
many people had assembled. Many horses were 
standing about. At that time horses were the 
only means people had for transportation. 
Some of us did not know what had been done 
the night before. All we had found out was 
that someone by the name of Black Horse had 
brought a party from the other side of the 
mountain. 

We were told that now there would be work 
here making out papers for more of our chil¬ 
dren. There were three Navajo policemen there 
in that connection. One of them turned out to 
be Bead Clan Gambler, one was Singed Man 
frcm Fort Defiance—he was also known as 
Son of Former Rag Man. Another was Inter¬ 
preter's (i.e. Chee Dodge's) brother-in-law, 
a Red Streak Into Water Clansman. This man 
was killed recently at St. Michaels at a rodeo. 
He was killed by a racehorse on the track 
during a race. At that time he was a police¬ 
man. I can't think what his name was—I 
merely knew him by sight. He was merely 
called Interpreter's Father-in-law (?). He was 
a policeman back at that time. Sa there were 
three policemen. It happened that way. Then 
we were told that the time had come. We saw 
the people going inside the trading past, so 
we just went in with the crowd. We two who 
were going to school stayed together. As for 
ihe rest of the children who were going to 
school, I don't know anything about them. 

At the time we had brought the last load of 


wood; while we were unloading it we noticed 
two women leading a horse nearby. They were 
probably on their way home. One of these 
women had promised her son for school. His 
name was River Man—that is the one she had 
promised for school at that time. The woman 
glanced our way. Her name was Red Buttock 
Clan Woman. She is still living and her hair is 
white. As she passed by she said, "It is said 
that those boys who are unloading wood over 
there have been promised for school—they 
will go to school too. Golly, why they are big 
enough to be of use here now," she said of us. 

I don't know what she had in mind in so say¬ 
ing. We just laughed about it afterward. 

But that was right. We had volunteered for 
school. We were going to get an education. 
We considered school as good news. That was 
what I thought. I always told my friend about 
what I myself was thinking. "You see, it's 
something to strive for and cavet. Look at 
Chee's trading post here. Quite some time 
ago when they moved back from Fort Sumner 
he had a hard time. He started his life by 
poking around in the horse manure in a stable. 
He used to be out there early in the morning 
with a stick especially made far that purpose. 
He could be seen sitting out there silhouetted 
against the sun, with the light shining red 
through his hair. That is how he came to be 
called Chee (Red). Then some white people 
took him in. That is how he got his start in 
life. That is how his mind began to develop. 
He got ahead and now here he is in his en¬ 
viable position. He knows English," I said. 

That is what I had an ambition to do at that 
time. It was for that reason that I volunteered 
myself for school. And the person who had 
joined me thought likewise. With this in mind 
I wanted an education badly then. But it was 
destined ta turn out differently. 

The people went into the trading past. It 
was packed full. Over here on one side the 
counter ran. Further back in the room was a 
swinging gate. It was out through there that 
Chee came. The brother of The One Who 
Has Eyeglasses (John Lorenzo Hubbell) from 


26 


Ganado, a man called the Bat, was a clerk 
there. He was over to one side behind the 
counter. The Bat was a man who could under¬ 
stand Navajo very well. A little later the one 
called Little Chief (Shipley) came out and 
stopped beside Chee. Chee was his interpreter 
as he began to make a speech to the people. 
Black Horse was standing against the counter 
over to one side. The people of his bond were 
standing with him. The people who had prom¬ 
ised their children for school were named, and 
we were told many things about the school. 

Then Black Horse spoke up and said, "This 
business of taking children away from people 
to put them in school—when is it going to 
affect the people from over beyond the 
mountain?" 

"It will reach you sometime. Tomorrow 
these will start out and will be routed right 
along the mountainside," said Little Chief 
(Shipley). 

"We'll not give you a one of our children. 
And we'd just as soon fight over the matter 
as not," said Black Horse balking stubbornly. 

Speaking this way to each other the Agent 
and Black Horse exchanged many words. 

The one I referred to as Limper was stand¬ 
ing near Black Horse with a blanket wrapped 
around his middle. And those of his band 
were lined up, one behind the other. 

"Come on, you boys. Remember what you 
said," said Black Horse. 

The one called Limper was the first to hop 
in there, and he grabbed the Agent by the 
collar. Then they all rushed in. Chee jumped 
over the gate at the back of the room, and 
chaos followed. 

"Outside with him!" voices were saying. 

They started out with him. As they were 
taking him outside I crawled and squeezed 
myself out among them. Just then they locked 
the door from the inside. Two of the boys who 
were going to go to school were locked in. The 
one I referred to as River Man, who is now 
known as Short Hair, and another boy with 
him. These were the ones who were locked 


inside. On account of this fact the man I spoke 
of as Weela took the Agent's side—it was 
because one of the boys locked in there was 
his son. 

The mob was carrying the Agent away. Not 
far from there, there was a drop. There was a 
wash in the blue clay with a point of land on 
either side. That is how the trading post got 
its name. It was a long drop. 

"Throw him down there!" voices were heard 
saying. 

A lot of people were standing alongside 
the trading post, and I among them. My uncle 
was standing beside me, and I don't remember 
who else was standing there. As the people 
carried the Agent along they beat him with 
their fists. They were beating him up. But as 
they carried him further away the one called 
Bead Clan Gambler went running from here 
where we were standing. 

"What the devil are you trying to do, boys?" 
he said as he went running into the mob, shov¬ 
ing people backwords. 

The man whose son had been locked in the 
trading post ran in there with him. And a 
number of his friends in turn followed him 
into the mob. They rescued the Agent. 

The one called Little Boy—the very one who 
had performed the ceremony of Talking A 
Person Into The Grave on the night before— 
was among those who were carrying the Agent 
back. He was holding up the Agent's head. 
He took port in the rescue of the Agent. He 
was my uncle. 

They really gave the Agent a beating. His 
face was all bruised up, and he was covered 
with blood. They probably almost killed him. 
If one of the mob had beat him with a club 
they would no doubt have killed him. They 
took him back into the trading post, and the 
door was immediately closed. Then they piled 
flour and other things of that type against 
the door. Those from whom the Agent had 
been rescued ran around the corner of the 
trading post yelling wildly. 

As they brought the Agent back inside, 
one of the Navajo policemen went dashing out. 


27 


He ran over to the other side of the hill where 
the horses were hobbled, carrying a bridle. 
This man was the brother-in-law of Chee. 

Someone said, "There goes one of the 
policemen!" 

He was far away, about to disappear over 
the crest of the hill, before they spied him. 

Then it started to rain, just a little bit, and 
we went to stand alongside the trading post 
again. 

They set off on horseback after the police¬ 
man. There were about three who pursued 
him, as I recall. They were some whose horses 
happened to be standing right there, no doubt. 
But the policeman got to his horse and got 
off to a head start. They began chasing him 
up toward Lukachukai. They gave up the chase 
a long way up at a place called A Cone Shaped 
Rock On The Canyon's Edge. He ran so fast 
that there was no chance for them to catch 
him. They merely turned back. 

As this was going on we still stood olongside 
the trading post. Presently I noticed a police¬ 
man walking there by the building. He was 
called Singed Man, from Fort Defiance. He 
was carrying a pistol at his hip, and he had his 
hands in his pockets as he walked along in the 
shower At the same time, Old Bead Chant 
Singer from beyond the mountain was going 
about talking. I don't remember what he was 
saying. Then the policeman said, "The Coyote 
People did something remarkable indeed!" 

Old Bead Chant Singer heard this remark 
and jumped on the policeman. He grabbed 
him from behind. Then they grappled with 
each other, and before long the policeman 
threw him down on the ground. Old Bead 
Singer fell on the under side. Another man, 
who was called Bitter Water Clansman, and 
who was the cousin of the man who was thrown 
down, ran over there and grabbed the police¬ 
man by the leg. He tossed him aside, and the 
old man got back on top. With his cousin's 
help Old Bead Chant Singer quickly snatched 
up a rock. And as the policeman fell over 
backward—just as his hat fell off—he struck 
him on the forehead with the rock. The blow 


fell just at the hairline. As we watched we 
could suddenly see blood spurt up. He was 
probably stunned, for his arms fell limply at 
his side. Then these two men walked away. 
After a while the policeman got up and, hold¬ 
ing a handkerchief to his head, walked away 
cursing. He went back inside and stayed there 

The policeman who had escaped on the 
horse made his way to the place called Water 
Flows Into The Rock (Tsailee) where, at that 
time, there was a trading post. In those days o 
white man by the name of Gray Man (Archi¬ 
bald Sweetland) was the trader there. At the 
time some white soldiers from Fort Wingat,e 
were nearby hunting bear. They had had their 
camp at the place called Meadows Come To¬ 
gether and had just returned when the man on 
horseback arrived. There was one Navajo in 
the army at that time, a man called Son of 
Rubbish Man. He was a Navajo from the 
place called Mountains Set on Top of Each 
Other (Hosta Butte). And at the time of this 
happening he was among those who were hunt¬ 
ing bear. The man who had arrived on horse¬ 
back told about what had taken place at Blue 
Clay Point and then rode on in to Fort De¬ 
fiance. 

He was a relative by marriage to Chee 
Dodge—he was his uncle by marriage. He was 
living with a woman called Big Woman who 
was Chee's aunt. He was the one, and he was 
a Red Streak Into Water Clansman. He was al¬ 
so a relative by marriage of a man from Red 
Lake, a Tsinaajinii clansman known as Hoop 
and Pole Game Player. This man who rode in 
with the news was a policeman at that time. 
It was he. He was the one who escaped on a 
horse. He was recently run over by a race 
horse at a rodeo at St. Michaels. It was he who 
carried the news at that time. That's what took 
place with regard to that angle of the story. 
This matter of beating up the policeman, 
about which I told, happened after he was 
gone, so the one who carried the news didn't 
see it. 

After these things took place all the plans 
were cancelled. Some of the children who had 


28 


been gathered for school probably went back 
home afoot—I am referring to those from 
Chinle. At least that's what I heard. We who 
lived in the area hereabout stayed. We lived 
here anyway. That's what took place. That's 
what Black Horse and his band did. Back at 
the time when the Agent was thrown out and 
rescued by Navajos, Chee Dodge and several 
other men, including Weela and Bead Clan 
Gambler, were chosen to stay in the trading 
post. Back in the room where they were they 
piled flour sacks in a circle like a hogan. The 
Agent was there behind the barricade, and 
Chee Dodge too, it is said. When they tell 
about the matter nowdays, people say that 
Chee defecated all around in the flour. But it 
was really the Agent who had been thrown out 
who did that. That's what I've heard. 

They made a hole in the roof. Then they 
made a ladder and put it up there. They kept 
watch at night from up there. This is the story 
told by those who were sentinels. Some were 
stationed up there at the top. They kept watch 
at night because they said Black Horse or his 
men might set fire to the building with them 
in it. This part is just hearsay as far as I'm con¬ 
cerned. That's what happened that night. 

Those of the opposing camp were on the 
other side of the wash at a considerable dis¬ 
tance from where our home was. It was a big 
hogan and was the home of Old Interpreter 
who was a Red Streak Into Water Clansman, 
and was my step-grandfather since he was 
married to my grandmother. He was a young 
man at that time. Those who were the trouble 
makers moved into this hogan. 

One of them, an old man known os Yellow 
Fermentive Chewer, left the mob that night 
and went to spread the word to the people be¬ 
yond the mountain. That night the people in 
I don't krvDW how big an area got the story by 
grapevine. And they set out with guns and 
bows and arrows. I don't know how many there 
were from there. I don't recall just who those 
people were who came as reinforcements from 
beyond the mountain. But these are things that 
I heard. They all passed the night over at that 


big hogan, and we went to spend the night ot 
our own home. 

So at Fort Defiance they heard the news that 
had been brought to them, and the Chief of 
the soldiers at Water Flows Into The Rock 
(Tsailee) was told about it. In the morning they 
set out from Water Flows Into The Rock. It is 
said that they began moving ot obout dawn. 
We spent the night at home. 

My grandfather and my uncle said, "I 
wonder what's happening now? Let's go and 
take it in again." 

When they went back there I went along. 
Some more people joined us and we went down 
there on foot. It wasn't far. As we walked 
along, the soldiers were moving over there 
opposite us, down through a flat.’ 

"Look, what's going on over there boys?" 
someone said. About that time we got to where 
Black Horse's band was staying. They were 
running in and out of the hogan, taking a look. 

"Let's go! Let's go! Let's get them before 
they get to the store. Before they get to the 
store! Before they get to the store!" said Black 
Horse excitedly. 

Over to one side of Black Horse the people 
were merely milling around. All of them had 
their horses standing there nearby. Many more 
joined him, and among these were some 
women. These women too had spent the night 
there with them. They had stayed to cook for 
the men. One of these women had come from 
over beyond the mountain. I don't know exact¬ 
ly where she came from. 

When this happened Black Horse's hench¬ 
men spoke without effect because there were 
others who were trying to keep order and who 
said "No" to the proposal to attack the 
soldiers. 

I was one of those who came back (on the 
next day) to where the people were. And I 


I As in English, Navaic often refers to direction as "up" or 
down " or more literally "upstream" and "downstream," since 
It is determined by the direction in which water flows or would 
f'ow. Thus, the northwestern end of the Noyojo Agency building 
at Window Rock is the upper end (deigo), while the opposite 
extreme is the lower end (ycago). 


29 



found that the people from beyond the moun¬ 
tain—those among whom the news had been 
spread, and who were sent for—had arrived. 
They had guns and bows and arrows. These 
were many people. There were also many of us 
who had joined in just as spectators. 

A man of the Salty Water Clan whose name 
was Slender Lava had his family there, and his 
wife cooked all night for the men who were 
making the trouble. In the morning the women 
again prepared food for them Then the people 
noticed that the soldiers were moving along 
over there. 

"All right now! All right! We'll take them 
right over there in the flat. All right now! Be¬ 
fore they move in! Before they move in! Let's 
get them!" said Black Horse doshing about 
but without effect. 

But his boys were really impatient. They 
were rubbing their guns. Then the one to whom 
I referred os Slender Lava said, "No!" He 
spoke thus because he knew they lacked the 
wherewithal to win the fight. A man of the 
Water's Edge Clan, called Sucker, also said, 
"No!" And of the men from hereabout with 
whom I came and who I mentioned before, my 
uncle joined in saying, "No." 

"Wait. Speak no more like that, my Elders, 
my friends," people said, opposing them. 

Then the person whom I said was known as 
Sucker was sent to the trading post. The sol¬ 
diers moved into the trading post. They had 
pack mules, and there was a line of these ani¬ 
mals far into the distance. I don't remember 
what the number of the soldiers who arrived 
was said to be. I can't recollect. But when they 
had moved into the post. Sucker was sent over 
there. Presently he came back from there on 
horseback. 

"They say to wait, boys. They say to wait," 
he said. 

Then Black Horse's boys really became im¬ 
patient. 

They sent Sucker back over there again. 

"Go over there now and tell them, 'No'. Tell 
them not to give us that kind of talk. Tell them 
it's going to be now. We'll tear the building to 


pieces. What can they do? Go tell them that's 
our answer," said Black Horse. 

Sucker galloped over there and told them 
that, and then he returned at a gallop. 

"They tell you to wait. The one who says 
that is the leader of those soldiers who arrived, 
and he is a War Chief (Officer). It is not the 
man you threw out yesterday who is saying 
that," he said as he ran back again on horse¬ 
back. 

Then the men over on this side said, "It's a 
fact. You never know. You don't know whot 
they have in mind in saying this—they might 
have a better idea for settling it. So don't sov 
anything," said those on this side who were 
acting as go-betweens. 

Finally many of us started over there, some 
on foot and some on horseback. We got to the 
trading post. The soldiers were there on the in¬ 
side. There were many pack mules, more than 
twenty I guess. They had all been inside the 
wool storage shack, with their packs still on. 
Across from the wool storage shack a gun had 
been placed to cover its approaches. So in case 
Black Horse carried out his threat, the soldiers 
were ready. 

Sucker rode over there to where Black Horse 
and his band were. 

"The War Chief (Army Officer) says, 'Now 
you can come over, but come slowly, slowly,' " 
said Sucker. 

That's what he reported to them. Then 
across and opposite us on the other side of the 
place called Blue Clay Point horses were seen 
to be going, and many people too. There were 
more than twenty. They could be seen going up 
there over the crest of the hill. People watched 
and wondered if they had just decided to go 
back home. But they moved on over the hill 
and then turned and started coming in this 
direction along its base. Over here on this side 
the soldiers were all prepared and were inside 
the trading post. The entrance way was large, 
and on both sides of it soldiers were stationed. 
Over there on Black Horse's side the people 
were impatient to shoot. They were really 
stroking their weapons. They were rubbing 


30 


their guns, it is said. They were really fool¬ 
hardy—at least that's what the spectators 
were saying. 

The white man called The Bat used to soy 
that he was on the soldier's side. 

"I too had my gun ready like this," he used 
to say. 

People would laugh at him when he told 
obout this. He was a trader. 

"If they appear over the hill—if they're 
serious in their threat—if they come close. I'll 
go out there in the open to meet them," said 
the War Chief (Officer). "If they are serious 
about it, and if one of them aims at me with 
one of those guns you see them holding up out 
there, all of you fire a volley at him," said the 
Officer. That was the plan on the inside. 

Then they appeared, coming over the hill¬ 
top. They were coming toward us. At this point 
Sucker rode back and forth telling them to 
take it easy. That was the one called Sucker. 
Later, when his voice gave out, he merely 
gestured about. 

We were standing by the trading post. 
There were many of us. We were standing 
close to a recess in the wall of the building 
where we could run for protection. When they 
had drawn near, Chee Dodge brought out a 
chair. He put it down beside the building, and 
then went back inside. We were all looking 
over toward where the horses were approach¬ 
ing. They were holding many guns up, and 
they were also holding arrows. There were none 
without weapons. There were many coming, 
and they were spread out quite wide. 

Then the white man came out. It was the 
War Chief. He was from Fort Wingate and 
was dressed in a black caat. He took it off and 
draped it over the chair that had been placed 
there. Then he unbuttoned his cuffs. He rolled 
up his sleeves like a person who is going to 
start washing himself. When he came out he 
came with his arms up and his hands behind 
his head. Then Chee Dodge came back out. 


"He says to come closer," said Chee to the 
horsemen. 

They drew closer, 

"Come closer," he again said. 

The horsemen drew closer. 

"Now that's close enough, he says to you, 
my friends. That's enough. Black Horse. Lay 
your gun on the ground and go up to him, the 
officer says," said Chee, referring to Black 
Horse os some kind of relative like "older 
brother." 

Several of them then got quickly down from 
their horses. They came up one after another. 
The officer still stood with his hands raised. 
Black Horse walked up and shook hands with 
him. I don't remember what he said at that 
time. What the officer said was interpreted, I 
still remember some of that. 

"He says to you, 'All right, that's fine'," 
said Chee to Black Horse, interpreting. 

"That's enough, enough," the officer said 
to Black Horse. 

Then those who followed him came up one 
by one and shook hands with the officer. 

"It's enough," said Black Horse and the 
officer to each other, as they embraced and 
patted each other on the shoulder. 

That's all I remember. 

At that point peace was restored, I guess. 

Those who were behind Black Horse all 
shook hands with the officer. They did this 
after laying their weapons on the ground. They 
came up and did it empty-handed. That's how 
peace was restored. And there was the sound 
of people expressing their thankfulness. 

"That's enough my boys. Now food will be 
passed out for you. You can go back home 
braced by a meal," they were told. 

With Chee Dodge interpreting, that's how 
we heard it. So peace was then restored. 

I didn't realize the seriousness of it at that 
time. At that time I was just a "young punk," 
that's probably the reason. I was just there 
with the crowd for fun. I had fun with it, just 
like at something that is carried on for fun. 


31 


The Trouble At Round Rock 

by Howard Gorman 


Long ago the old men used to tell about 
various things. They would tell the young men 
about different things by way of instruction. 
They would spend two or three days going 
about to different homes (telling stories). They 
would say, "This is the way we used to live, the 
way we used to go about, the way we used to 
gain our livelihood," instructing the youths. 
And on the women's side, they in turn talked to 
young ladies. 

In this connection my grandmother would 
get me up very early in the morning to make a 
long run, telling me that I would that way be¬ 
come a strong, husky man. 

Once when I was herding sheep I came back 
to the hogan to find my grandfather, one 
called Man Who Lassoes, sitting there, He 
used to spend most of his time in the area 
around Adobe Sticks Up. The old man called 
Man Who Lassoes was quite a character. 

He was still there when I returned. So a 
sheep was immediately caught for him and 
butchered. Then the fattest ribs were put in 
the fire (to roast) for him. But for me—only 
the entrails were roasted for me! So I made a 
fuss about that and started to make trouble. 

I made a fuss, saying, "How come he gets 
the choice meat when he does none of the 
herding? I'm the one who should have the ribs 
to eat. He's the one who ought to be eating 
the entrails." 

Then I sulked around and didn't eat at all 
And after he had really eaten his fill he went 
off to one side and lay down on his back. 

After sundown, when it became really dork, 

I went back inside to the place where I would 
sleep. But my grandmother got me back up. 

"Sit here, my son. Your grandfather is going 


to tell us about something. Listen to him care¬ 
fully," she told me. 

"Not too awfully long ago, over there at Red 
Rock, the Agent was thrown out. And a man by 
the name of Black Horse caused the trouble. 
This same man used to go by the name of 
Butcher Squeezed Together In the Middle," 
said my grandfather as he began his story. He 
told it as though it were something that had 
just occurred. Here's how his story went: 

"I was resting in the shade at Lizard Spring 
when a horseman came up. He said, "Do you 
know what? Over there at Red Rock they've 
tossed out the Agent. The man called Black 
Horse, or Butcher Squeezed Together In The 
Middle, is causing the trouble. That's what he 
announced to me," said my grandfather. 

"My horse was grazing nearby, so I caught 
and saddled him.. Then I put my double 
barreled gun into its saddle scabbord and 
strapped on my pistol. I also tied on the rear a 
package containing an ample supply of am¬ 
munition Then I went down into the Flat Rock 
Valley. 

"I met up with a number of husky men and 
asked them if any would like to go with me. I 
told them that a man known as Black Horse 
was causing trouble over there, but they all 
refused. I kept on going nevertheless. Suddenly 
I came upon a man of the Red Streak Into 
Water Clan called Little Policeman. He was a 
strong, husky young fellow (he is now an old 
man)," said my grandfather. 

"I hear that the man called Black Horse is 
causing trouble. Maybe you'd like to join up 
with me and go over there. I hear they've 
tossed out the Agent. It's because I got word of 
it that I'm going, I told him," said my grand- 
fqther 'Why not^ Sure, I'll join you. We'll go," 


32 


he said as he strapped on his gun. Then we 
started out together. 

“We went down into the Canyon De Chelly 
and came up out of there at a place called 
Sparse Group Of Pines Extends Up Out. From 
there we went through Lukachukai and up on¬ 
to the mountain. Then we went onward to the 
rim of the mountain to where the trail descend¬ 
ed into Cove. At that time it was only a horse 
trail. There, at that time, there was a fence of 
boughs with a pole gate through which passed 
a trail," said grandfather. 

“Little Policeman dismounted to open the 
gate. There was danger lurking on every side. 
It was potentially a perilous area. Just as he 
got down from his horse and took hold of a 
pole to remove it, a cottontail jumped up right 
at his feet. Little Policeman was so taken back 
that he nearly fell over right there. 

“We resumed our journey and came to a 
high point that overlooked the surrounding 
country, and out there in front of us there were 
people engaged in training maneuvers. They 
were Navajos. They would come dashing out 
lying close beside their horses in such a way 
that there appeared to be no riders. And their 
maneuvers took many other forms. On the 
high points they had lookouts stationed, but 
somehow we passed through without being 
sighted. 

“We went on until we came to Black Horse's 
hogan. There was quite a gathering there. 
When we arrived we heard Black Horse talk¬ 
ing inside a large hogan, telling how they 


would do and how they would win. 

“Then he was informed of our coming. 'Who 
the devil comes without saying a word? Tell 
them to come in,' he said. So we went in. 

“You who are called Black Horse—you who 
go by the name of Butcher Squeezed Together 
In The Middle—you think youVe famous, the 
way people tell about you. Come on and see 
if you can swallow me head first, I said to 
him," said my grandfather. 

“ 'Oh, oh you've got me,' said Black Horse." 

“And then all the people who were gathered 
there, and to whom he had been talking, 
roared out at him, saying, “We knew that's 
what you would say. We knew it all the time. 
You went ahead, even though you're a coward. 
When even a fellow Navajo spoke to you, you 
said, 'You've got me!' “ 

“And then I really told Black Hor^off, bui 
good," said my grandfather. 

“This trouble that you're making is uncalled 
for. Over toward Tuba City a fellow known as 
Pollen caused trouble and got nothing for it. 
Over by Aneth a man called He Who Has 
Supernatural Power caused trouble. And over 
toward Beautiful Mountain a man by the name 
of Bizhoshi made a commotion. None of them 
gained a thing. They merely brought hardship 
upon themselves. So don't sulk, my baby. It's 
uncalled for, and it is bad behavior. You will 
gain nothing by it," my grandfather said to 
me. 

He told me this story and gave me instruc¬ 
tion on top of it. I now remember this well. 


33 


The Trouble At Round Rock 

by The Nepheiv of Former Big Man 


In the Fort Sumner Treaty we were told to 
place our children in school. So when we got 
back policemen were sent from Fort Defiance 
down toward Round Rock to carry out this 
provision. To get all of the children they went 
from hogan to hogan. 

The leader of one of the parties was a man 
named Charlie. Others in this party were one 
called Bobbed Hair, one by the name of Bead 
Clan Gambler, another called Slender Silver 
Maker, and the one who was known as The 
Interpreter (Chee Dodge), as well as several 
others. 

For a long time the men and womenfolk had 
held back their children. So on the dates set 
for bringing the children to Round Rock, very 
few were brought in. When the children were 
taken there a man by the name of Black Horse 
said, “No," and stood against the children be¬ 
ing taken away to school. There was one man 
by the name of Limper, who may still be 
hunched with old age (still alive). There was 
one called Slow One, and there were Canyon 
De Chelly Man, Tall Bitter Water Clansman, 
Ugly Knife, Sucker, Weela, and Gray Haired 
Man. All of these said, “No," and stood 
against the proposal. And then many young 
men joined with them. All of these men are 
now perhaps dead. 

Here at this meeting to get children to¬ 
gether for school the man known as Black 
Horse stubbornly balked on it. “What the 
devil, you can jerk our children away from us 
if you want to. If you want trouble over this 
matter go to it," he shouted. Several others 
who were of like mind were behind him. In 
fact, they had probably conspired with him. 

The one called Little Chief (Shipley) came 
also. He was the Agent. But when a hot argu¬ 


ment got under way in the meeting the Nava- 
jos threw the Agent out. Then things really 
happened. The man called Bead Clan Gambler 
got the Agent back from those who had laid 
hands on him. This Bead Clan Gambler was a 
husky man. As the mob made away with the 
Agent he dashed in among them and grabbed 
the Agent up under one arm (like a football). 
When the mobsters would have jumped him he 
straight-armed them and bowled them over 
backward, and running hard he beat them to 
a flour storage room. When he had gotten the 
Agent in there he piled things against the door 
from within, and the mob was frustrated. The 
Interpreter (Chee Dodge) also took refuge in 
the flour storage room. It was said that they 
stayed inside for several days without going 
outside. And while they were in there they 
dirtied the flour. 

The news of this trouble spread all about, 
even up into the Monument Valley. Everyone 
said, “They're not going to take our children 
away, that's all there is to it." People were 
ready to fight. Some said that no soldiers had 
come to the scene of the trouble. Some said 
that bear hunters had been brought to the res¬ 
cue, but the truth is that it wasn't these. That 
was just a tale. Soldiers came from Fort De¬ 
fiance. They were sent for from there, and 
those who came moved up on top of Row of 
Willows (near Wheatfields). At that time there 
was a beautiful meadow there. There was not 
a single wash at that time. There they were 
encamped. When they moved again they went 
to the burned trading post at Black Rock 
Spring (near Tsailee). After camping there for 
two days they moved on. They moved down to 
Blue Clay Point (near Round Rock). 

This was not the only time a school party 


34 


went out. They went out many times. Summer 
and winter they would go about telling the 
people to place their children in school. 

When the soldiers who were sent for arrived 
to fight, my older sister, who was the wife of 
Weelo, acted os a peacemaker. Here she acted 
os go-between to restore the peace. One man 
took credit for restoring peace. He was a man 
called White Mon. I heard him saying that he 
was the one who restored the peace. I told him, 
"You ore a liar. You just made that story up. 
It was my sister who restored the peace. I know 
it. I am sure of it." So that is how Black Horse 
made trouble by holding back the children. 

Now school is a wonderful thing. They had 
no reason for keeping us out of school. I'm 
convinced of that. School is not a thing of no 
value. It is something to be longed for and 
sought after. Had I gone to school I wonder 
how I would be today. By school we mean an 
endless learning. It's a means for accomplish¬ 
ment without end. 

People who have children and who put 
them in school are right in so doing. I think 
they are indeed lucky children. I was one of 


those who spoke in favor of schools in days 
gone by. Not long ago a paper was brought up 
before us in a meeting. They said, "Here's a 
list of the men who asked for education, and 
here's one of the men. These men knew the 
advantages of schooling." They said this, 
mentioning my part in it. When they men¬ 
tioned me in this connection I almost wept. I 
was right when I took that stand. Had I gone 
to school I often wonder how good a leader I 
might have become. 

Long ago our forbears went after one 
another with weapons over this question of 
schooling. On account of differences over edu¬ 
cation they threw out an Agent. It nearly 
brought tragedy. When people were about to 
come to blows my sister restored the peace. 
These things happened just about the time 
when my mind had become mature enough to 
reason and remember, so I know whereof 
I speak. And to many things which occurred I 
was a witness, while in others I took an active 
part. So the people nearly came to blows over 
schools. But now education is, without doubt, 
the right thing. So go on children. Go to school. 
Study hord. In the future you will profit by it. 


35 



—Ptiotosroph by U. S. Signal Corps. 

Generol Wiiliom T. Sherman 


36 



—Photograph by U. S. Signal Corps. 

This picture was taken at Fort Sumner sometime during the late 1860's. It is 
said to be a group of Navojo warriors. Notice the striped blankets and the 
bows. 



—Photograph by U. S. Signal Corps. 
The Indian Commissory ot Fort Sumner during the 1860's. 


37 





1 



—Photograph by U. S. Signal Corps. 

This is the Indian Issue House ot Fort Sumner during the time the Novajos 
were held there in the 1860's. Here the Novoios come for issues of supplies. 



—Photogroph by U. S. Signal Corps. 
Novajos at Fort Sumner, photogrophed during the 1860's. 


38 




—Photograph by U. S. Signal Corps. 

A group of Novojos photogrophed at Fort Sumner during the 1860's. 



—Photograph by U. S. Signal Corps. 

The office of the Provost Morshol at Fort Sumner at the time when the 
Navajos were held there. 


39 






—Photograph by U. S. Signal Corps. 


This is the camp of the soldiers of Company B, 1st. New Mexico Infontry ot 
Fort Sumner in the 1860's. 



—Photograph by U. S. Signal Corps. 
Fort Sumner in the 1860's 


40 




—Photogroph by U. S. Signol Corps. 
Fort Defiance, Arizona, in 1884 



—Photograph by U. S. Signal Corps. 

A troop of cavalry encamped about three miles west of Fort Wingote, New 
Mexico. Token between 1885 and 1903. 


41 



—Photograph by U. S. Signal Corps. 

An encampment of soldiers on Whiskey Creek, northwest of Crystol, New 
Mexico. 



—Photograph by U. S. Signal Corps. 


The old troding post at Tsailee mentioned in the story of the fight with Black 
Horse at Round Rock store. 


42 






—Photograph by U. S. Signal Corps. 

An old Navojo woman, photographed in the Chaco Canyon in 1897. Notice 
the blanket design. 



—Photograph by U. S. Signal Corps. 

An old Navajo hogon photographed in 1904 near Chinie, Arixona. 


43 





- -TiSt 


—Photograph by U. S. Signal Corps. 


This picture of a Navajo family was taken in 1904 at o ploce obout 2 miles 
west of Gonodo, Arizona. Notice the old style clothing worn by the man. 




—Photograph by U. S. Signal Corps. 

A Navajo woman is here shown making vegetable dye. Taken in the Chaco 
Canyon in 1904. 


44 



—Photograph by U. S. Signal Corps. 


A picture of Keam$ Coynon, Arizono, taken sometime between 1885 and 
1903. 



This is said to be a picture of some Navajo dancers taken in 1899 at the 
Chaco Canyon, New Mexico. 


45 




—Photogroph by U. S. Signal Corps. 

This is a picture of a Navajo mon by the nome of Charlie 
the Second. Token in 1 899 at The Choco Canyon in New 
Mexico. 



—Photogroph by U. S. Signal Corps. 


This picture of a young Navajo nton wos taken in The 
Chaco Conyon, probably about 1899. 


46 














Publications of the 


BUREAU OF INDIAN AFFAIRS 

Prepared primarily for use in Federal Indian schools. Suitable for use in any school. 

INDIAN LIFE AND CUSTOMS BOOKS—Illustrated 

The Northern Poiute Indians of Californio and Nevada, by Ruth Underhill 
The Indians of Southern California, by Ruth Underhill 

The Papogo Indians of Arizona, and their Relatives the Pima, by Ruth Underhill 

Workadoy Life of the Pueblos, by Ruth Underhill 

Indians of the Pacific Northwest, by Ruth Underhill 

The Story of the Blackfeet, by John C. Ewers 

People of the Crimson Evening, by Ruth Uixlerhill 

Here Come the Novohol, by Ruth Underhill 

INDIAN HAND CRAFT BOOKS—Illustrated 

Quill ond Beodwork of the Western Sioux, by Carrie A. Lyford 
Navajo Notive Dyes, by Nonabah G. Bryan and Stella Young 
Ojibwa Crafts, by Carrie A. Lyford 
Iroquois Crofts, by Carrie A. Lyford 
Pueblo Crafts, by Ruth Underhill 

Spruce Root Basketry of the Alaska TIingit, by Frances Paul 
Blackfeet Crafts, by John C. Ewers 

INDIAN LIFE READERS—Illustrated by Indian Artists 

Navajo Series, in English and Navajo 
Sioux Series, in English ar>d Sioux 
Pueblo Series, in English; also one in Hopi 

MISCELLANEOUS 

Novajo-English Dictionary, by Leon Wall and William Morgan 
Education for Action, by Willord W. Beatty and associates 
Education for Cultural Change, by Willard W, Beatty and associates 
Education for Cross-Cultural Enrichment, by Hildegard Thompson and associates 
Fundamental Education in an Amerindian Community, by Pedro T. Orata 
The Educational Achievement of Indion Children, by Kenneth E. Anderson, E. Gordon Collister, 
and Carl E. Ladd 

The Indian Child Goes to School, by L. Madison Coombs, Ralph E. Kron, E. Gordon Collister, 
arni Kenneth E. Anderson 

Doorwoy Toward the Light, by L. Madison Coombs 

A pricelist and copies of these publications may be obtained from 

Publications Service 
Haskell Institute 
Lowrence, Kansas 66044 




















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